The Politics of Disciplining Water Rights

This article examines how the legal systems of Andean countries have dealt with the region's huge plurality of local water rights, and how official policies to ‘recognize’ local rights and identities harbour increasingly subtle politics of codification, confinement and disciplining. The autonomy and diversity of local water rights are a major hindrance for water companies, elites and formal rule‐enforcers, since State and market institutions require a predictable, uniform playing field. Complex local rights orders are seen as irrational, ill‐defined and disordered. Officialdom cannot simply ignore or oppress the ‘unruliness and disobedience’ of local rights systems: rather it ‘incorporates’ local normative orders that have the capacity to adequately respond to context‐based needs. This article examines a number of evolving, overlapping legal domination strategies, such as the ‘marrying’ of local and official legal systems in ways that do not challenge the legal and power hierarchy; and reviews the ways in which official regulation and legal strategies deny or take into consideration local water rights repertoires, and the politics of recognition that these entail. Post‐colonial recognition policies are not simply responses to demands by subjugated groups for greater autonomy. Rather, they facilitate the water bureaucracy's political control and help neoliberal sectors to incorporate local water users’ rights and organizations into the market system — even though many communities refuse to accept these policies of recognition and politics of containment.     

妇女运动拨乱反正述略

文化大革命结束后,伴随党和国家的历史转折,中国妇女运动领域开始拨乱反正,它始于以四人帮为对象的揭、批、查运动,经由中国妇女四大的推动,得到全面展开。拨乱反正以澄清文革前17年妇女运动的路线是非为核心,包括平反冤假错案、调整妇联组织、整顿妇女干部队伍、全面恢复妇女工作。随着拨乱反正的完成,妇女运动走出极左的泥潭,迈向改革开放的新阶段。     

Women's Rights as Human Rights after the End of History

This article is based on the 2022 Gender & History annual lecture. It reconsiders the recent history of women's rights as human rights. The collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union brought to an end a twentieth-century discourse of women's rights, understood not only as legal norms, but as a political language harnessed to a narrative of women as a collective subject progressing towards emancipation and equality. This was enabled by an international order in which human rights were tied to visions of self-determination, social rights and strong states, creating spaces for new subjects to make their voices heard in international law, albeit in particular and circumscribed ways. After 1989, women were again written into international law primarily as victims of violence, while the emergence of gender as a category of analysis challenged the notion of ‘women’ as a collective subject of rights. The story of women's rights, the article concludes, suggests that recent revisionist histories of human rights as a neoliberal utopia are only one part of a more complex human rights history.     

伊朗现代化进程中的世俗政治与宗教政治

世俗政治与宗教政治的此消彼长,是20世纪伊朗历史的突出现象。巴列维时代世俗政治的膨胀无疑是伊朗现代化进程的重要环节,霍梅尼时代现代宗教政治的滥觞则是巴列维时代世俗政治日趋膨胀的逻辑结果。世俗政治与宗教政治的矛盾运动,即巴列维时代什叶派传统宗教势力的衰落、世俗政治的强化与霍梅尼时代现代宗教政治的广泛发展以及后霍梅尼时代非伊斯兰化的初步政治倾向,构成伊朗政治现代化进程的历史模式。巴列维王朝的覆灭,为伊朗现代政治模式的走向成熟和民众广泛的政治参与开辟了道路。所谓的“头巾取代王冠“,标志着伊朗的政治现代化进入崭新的阶段。     

欧洲中世纪后期的异端运动与妇女权利

在中世纪基督教异端研究中,妇女问题一直是西方史学家关注的重要问题。本文通过对贝居因派、古列尔迈派、卡特里派、韦尔多派和罗拉德派这五个10世纪以后欧洲比较重要的大众异端派别中女性权利的总结和分析,指出她们享有大致与男性相等的宗教权利和自由,即效仿基督贫穷的权利、完成部分圣礼的权利、接受平等宗教和文化教育的权利。虽然在实践中,由于传统性别观念的影响,她们的权利实践或多或少受到限制,但她们依然获得了比天主教妇女更大的权利和自由,打破了传统社会对女性的限制和禁忌,获得了一定的发言权。尤其是贝居因派和古列尔迈派的妇女表现出的强烈的女性意识,被认为是妇女争取平等权利的榜样,对后世女性主义的发展具有借鉴意义。     

Ethnic Minorities and the Politics of Identity in Iran

The present review essay is of a novel format: two authors working in the same field introduce each other's works, and then pose a number of questions to each other. The aim is to facilitate dialogue between scholars occupied with similar issues, theories, methods or problems, and to share their discussions with others. Here, Alam Saleh, Lecturer in Middle Eastern Politics, University of Exeter, and Rasmus Christian Elling, Assistant Professor of Iranian Studies, University of Copenhagen, introduce each other's recent books on ethnic minorities, identity and nationalism in post-revolution Iran. These introductions are then followed by questions and answers in relation to the topics covered by the books.     

Humphrey and Civil Rights: The Politics of Racial Progress

Abstract

This article explores and defends Leo Strauss's interpretation of Edmund Burke's thought. Strauss argues that Burke's conservatism is rooted in the modern empiricist school of John Locke and others. Following Strauss, this article sets out to consider the suitability of these foundational principles to conservative politics. Burke wants to temper or ennoble Lockean politics by inspiring sublime attachment to the political community and its traditions, but he shies away from stating universal standards according to which the traditions of political communities ought to be judged. This respect for reason in history without moorings in transcendent standards of reason or revelation leaves his conservatism on precarious ground.     

The Thought and Role of Ayatollah Hossein'ali Montazeri in the Politics of Post-1979 Iran

Ayatollah Montazeri was a Khomeinist who came to regret being Khomeini's unabashed protegé. Though he has never abandoned the doctrine of velayat-e faqih, he has sought to reconceptualize it by furnishing it with democratic principles. In this, he has not been credible, although he has managed to portray himself as a reformer among some Iranian activists who themselves have credible reformist credentials, such as Akbar Ganji. But other reformists believe that the principles of the mandate of the jurist permit authoritarian abuses. And those among them who seek a mujtahid's support for overthrowing that doctrine would prefer to turn to the writings of Ayatollah Dr. Mehdi Ha'iri (d. 1999).