浅析维多利亚时代的济贫政策

英国的维多利亚时代(1837-1901)是英国最强盛的时期,即"日不落时期",也是英国工业革命发展的顶点,大英帝国经济文化发展的高峰期。然而,在这个"最美好的时代"里也充满了贫困和社会的矛盾。这一时期,英国出台了相应的济贫法案,建立大量的济贫院,福利思想在英国发展,并为以后福利国家的形成奠定了基础,对英国的社会经济发展带来了深远的影响。     

英国福利国家的产生与发展(1945—1970)

英国于二战后正式建立福利国家,它的发展与政党政治密切相关。虽然福利制度的健全也产生了一些弊病,乃至70年代末出现了所谓的"英国病",但英国仍不失为一个发达的福利国家,而它背后所蕴藏的民族精神更让我们为之动容。     

试论魏玛"福利国家"的早期实践(1918-1920)

一战结束后,德国社会遭遇了政治、经济与社会的多重危机,政府权力亟待合法性认同,社会期稳定。魏玛政府力图把福利国家作为控制与解决危机的一种手段。1918-1920年间,魏玛的福利国家建设曾规范劳动市场、协调劳资关系、改革保险和救济政策、解决住房问题以及调整经济运作模式等方面掀起高潮从短时段看,这些实践活动确立了基本的福利国家原则,维护了政府权威,初步解决了战后德国的社会危机然而从长时段看,这一时期的福利实践存在许多问题,埋下了日后经济危机、社会危机乃至民主危机的隐患。     

撒切尔政府福利制度改革与英国政党政治的关系

20世纪70年代的经济危机使英国的福利制度陷入困境。撒切尔政府上台后,对英国的福利制度进行了改革,主要目的是削减福利开支,使福利供给多元化和市场化。撒切尔政府的福利制度改革是英国政党斗争的产物,它反映了英国政党政治与社会福利的关系。     

从马克思主义平等观看福利国家与苏联在推进平等过程中的教训

马克思主义认为,平等是一个客观的历史发展过程,是一个类的范畴,是一种相互关系,平等与不平等都是客观的、相对的,在一定条件下可以互相转化。西方福利国家和苏联的实践证明,无论何种社会制度,都不能完全依靠国家强制力自上而下推进平等,而只能顺应时代发展,不断调整政策,使社会在动态平等中不断向前发展。     

《新历史教科书》与战后日本国家的历史认识

本对2001年4月3日由日本部科学省审定“合格”获得通过的《新历史教科书》歪曲历史事实、美化侵略战争、宣扬错误史观、掩饰日本国家侵略罪恶。进而反映战后日本国家错误历史认识的表述和企图进行了分析和评论,并试图对日本国家错误的历史认识的形成原因进行初步的探讨。章认为：战后日本社会对其侵略历史的错误认识,是有着历史基础、思想基础、国际环境基础和经济基础的,是与战后几次国际政治格局的重大变化、美国对日本的单独占领和不久之后其对日政策的改变以及日美同盟关系的确立和固化、战后国际社会对日本战争罪行和军国主义思想的清算不彻底、战后日本国家在与周边国家的关系重建过程中对各种有利因素的充分利用、战后日本国内经济的恢复及其经济大国地位的确立、近期日本国内大国主义思潮的盛行及经济状况的不景气和政治局面的动荡,以及亚洲邻国对日本这种趋势发生发展的相对无力的应对等等诸多方面的因素之间存在着极其密切的关系。     

从亚当·斯密到凯恩斯——简评英国福利思想的发展

福利国家的出现是本世纪英国所发生的最大变化之一,它在一定程度上协调了资本主义社会的内部矛盾,给英国的社会经济发展带来了深远的影响。福利国家是建立在相应的经济基础与思想基础之上的。一个社会占主导地位的思想,既是那个时代经济、政治和文化传统的产物,又反过来给予那个时代以重大影响,它的出现有助于各种利益的协调和制度的发展合理化。因此,对福利思想发展的探讨不仅有助于我们理解福利国家的成因,也有助于加深我们对当代资本主义性质的认识。     

试论格劳秀斯主义与英国学派的关系

格劳秀斯主义与英国学派之间既有联系又有差异.一方面,英国学派继承了格劳秀斯主义的大部分主张,特别是其理性主义的思想方法和国际社会概念;另一方面,英国学派摒弃了格劳秀斯基于普遍的自然法原则来确定国际社会规则的做法,坚持根据源自国家同意的国际法的一套规则作为确定国际社会规则的依据.格劳秀斯的国际社会概念是社会连带主义的,而英国学派的国际社会概念则是多元主义的.从20世纪90年代起,英国学派表现出向格劳秀斯社会连带主义复归的趋势.     

公民资格理论与战后英国社会政策转变

1950年代英国社会学家T.H.马歇尔提出的公民资格理论,成为二战后英国建立普遍主义福利制度的重要依据。公民社会权利是公民资格理论的核心,它对战后英国社会政策的演变产生了重大影响。1970年代末英国保守党倡导的"消费者主义",以"消费者取向"为原则,以避免个人对国家的依赖、回归个人自助和非正式的照顾为目的,从而否定了公民享有普遍福利的权利;新工党实行了新的公民权利体制,权利和义务的平衡是新工党价值观念的核心,也是贯穿福利国家改革的基本思路,它是对公民社会权利的重新界定。"公民资格"内涵的变化反映了人们对福利国家作用的重新认识以及对公民个体责任意识的强调。     

浅谈二十世纪初英国福利政策改革及其影响

二十世纪初,在英国自由党的支持和推动下,英国政府进行了一系列以社会福利为基本内容的社会改革。通过这次改革所确立的养老金法案、国民保险法法案和一系列的其它立法,调节了当时历史条件下的英国各社会阶层之间的关系,使从工业革命以来便已出现的并且日益严重的社会贫困现象得到了较大程度的缓解,奠定了英国现代福利国家的基础,从而对二十世纪英国社会的发展产生了深远影响。同时,这次改革也暴露出很多问题,产生了一定的负面效应。     

Suffering,Vice, And Justice: Religious Imaginaries and Welfare Agencies in Post‐War Melbourne

Faith‐based welfare agencies vary considerably, dependent on the nature of their leadership, the inheritance of their services, and the niche that they are assigned by state policy in the mixed economy of welfare. Another dimension of their diversity can derive from the discursive structures of their faith. This article examines the theological inheritances that shaped how three key welfare agencies in post‐war Melbourne imagined what they were doing, as they drew on the diversity of teachings about the poor derived from the Catholic, Anglican, and Methodist traditions.     

Mental arithmetic and juggling with figures statistics in French and British policy towards colonial immigration in the 1950s

In the 1950s, Britain and France faced a comparable development of increasing immigration from current or former colonial territories, which was perceived as problematic. Immigration statistics had a central role in governmental or administrative discussions; however, both for general difficulties inherent in immigration statistics and for specific problems due to ‘post‐colonial’ nationality arrangements, these statistics are of limited reliability. The ways statistics were used differed as reactions to ‘colonial’ immigration in Britain and France differed, corresponding to their respective post‐war experiences and political aims. The official use of statistics against this background serves to reveal certain national characteristics in their reaction to ‘colonial’ immigration.     

Social engineering and cultural policy – theoretical and empirical reflexions from Swedish cultural policy in a historical perspective

This article explores the influence of social engineering in various forms within Swedish cultural policy, seen in a historical perspective. In social engineering cultural policy measures, reforms and projects are justified by scientifically based research rather than party based ideological arguments. Karl Popper’s classification of the utopian and the step-by-step engineering make up the starting point, redefined as paternalistic engineering, welfare state engineering and utilitarian engineering in order to apply these ideas to cultural policy. Social engineering was predominant in Swedish cultural policy mainly during the post war period. In the 1950s as well as in the 1970s this engineering takes on a paternalistic character, in the struggle against injurious culture, such as video violence. Current practice of paternalistic engineering is directed at revealing and identifying invisibles structures in the field of cultural heritage. The welfare state engineering had its highlights in the planning era of the 1960s and the 1970s, and today culture as a beneficial factor for both citizens and society is labelled utilitarian engineering.     

Towards an Archaeology of the Welfare State in Britain, 1945–2009

In this paper I develop an argument for the specific contribution which archaeology might make to the study of the ‘classic’ welfare state in Britain (c. 1945–1975) and its aftermath (c. 1976 to present). This period saw massive state investment in infrastructure which transformed both the material and social worlds of its citizens, through new state policies, new networks of political and social control, the centralisation and nationalisation of a range of existing aspects of civilian life and the construction of housing on a monumental scale. While this is a topic which has been studied in detail by historians and sociologists, despite the massive investment in construction and the accompanying effects on the physical landscape of Britain, there has been relatively little work on the ‘material worlds’ of the welfare state. In developing this argument I focus particularly on public housing, an area which has been the subject of some previous archaeological comment and which provides a clear case study in the contribution which such an approach might make. State subsidised housing policy developed as a brave utopian socialist experiment during the interwar period in Britain, reaching its zenith in the mid-1970s, at which time the state supplied almost a third of the nation’s housing. Public housing projects became an area of experimentation in the realisation of modernist ideals of high density private accommodation and in the use of new building technologies and materials. However, following the demise of the classic welfare state, for various reasons high density public housing has come to be viewed as part of a dystopian social cycle, the buildings and associated landscapes themselves becoming a symbol of poverty, substance abuse and violence. From an early history associated with slum clearance and the development of idealised homes for the nation’s poor, many high rise/high density public housing developments from the classic welfare state are now more often viewed themselves as slums, their design and ‘materiality’ perceived as contributing to, or even creating, a series of social problems. I suggest, following earlier work by Miller (Man (New Series) 23(2):353–372, 1988), Buchli (The Archaeology of Socialism, Berg, New York, 1999) and Buchli and Lucas (Archaeologies of the contemporary past. Routledge, London, 2001) that an archaeological approach to the material world of public housing has the potential to reveal not only the ways in which changing state ideologies are expressed through their design, but also the ways in which individuals have (and continue to) engage with their spaces and material culture to manage the conditions of everyday life, and how such places exist within counter-discursive urban and suburban worlds. I also suggest that part of the role of an archaeology of the welfare state is to consider the circumstances under which the welfare state fails through a focus on the archaeology of poverty and homelessness.     

论20世纪初英国现代社会保障制度的初步确立

20世纪初英国逐步建立了现代社会保障制度.贫困和失业等社会问题的严重化和济贫法制度的失效是这一制度建立的根本原因;来自工人阶级的政治压力是其建立的一个重要原因;费边社会主义、集体主义和新自由主义为这一制度的建立提供了理论基础;德国保险型社会保障制度的建立起了先导作用.英国政府通过一系列的社会立法逐步形成了涉及到养老、失业、医疗、儿童等方面比较完善的福利体系,标志着英国现代社会保障制度的初步确立.它是英国社会保障制度史上一次根本性的转折.     

Aid and the Geopolitics of the Post‐Colonial: Critical Reflections on New Labour’s Overseas Development Strategy

In the post Cold War era, issues of poverty, inequality and social exclusion have become central to many of the key discussions of international relations and development aid. In this context, this article sets out to analyse the nature and specificity of the development strategy of the New Labour government in Britain, as it has evolved since 1997. In the setting of the literatures on post‐colonialism, aid and development, the authors examine the specific concepts and approaches that help to frame such a strategy, giving particular attention to the commonalities and divergences between the British Government’s 1997 and 2000 White Papers. The perspective used connects ideas and issues from domains of knowledge which tend to remain independent of each other, namely aid and development studies and post‐colonial theory. Situated on the terrain of aid and development, the guiding objective of the article is to raise certain questions concerning power, knowledge and geopolitics, so that a wider conceptual and policy‐oriented debate might be engendered.     

No Hammock for the Idle: The Conservative Party, 'Youth' and the Welfare State in the 1960s

The postwar ‘baby boom’ focused unprecedented attentionon young people in Britain and made ‘youth’ a newand increasingly worrying category of both social and politicalidentity. Belief in the uniqueness of postwar youth was widelyshared among political parties but it caused particular anxietyfor the Conservatives who feared that young people in the 1960swere shaped by values that predisposed them to socialism, notconservatism. This article traces the Conservative party's interactionwith ‘youth’ through an examination of the policy-makingefforts of the Young Conservatives (YCs) organization. Afterthe 1959 election, the Conservative party was anxious to retainthe support of younger voters and saw the YCs as a vehicle topublicize its commitment to them. Departing from the YCs’long-standing emphasis on social activities, the party establisheda Policy Group Scheme to integrate younger members into policy-makingand encourage a ‘youth’ perspective on key policyareas such as the welfare state. However, in 1966, the PolicyGroup Scheme ended as it became clear that young people's loyaltyto the main party was not conditional upon participation inpolicy-making and the YCs’ model of postwar conservatismdiffered very little from that of older Conservatives. Thisanalysis of grassroots discussion of the welfare state thusestablishes the limits of a distinctive ‘youth’perspective on major issues in modern conservatism such as individualfreedom and the role of the state, and contributes to recentdiscussions of the role of age and demographic structure inpostwar Britain.