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1.
纪昀的<阅微草堂笔记>中的雷神故事,表现出我国古代雷神崇拜的民俗以及雷神故事的道教渊源,彰显其神道设教的创作目的.纪昀借雷神这一民间话语,宣传忠孝节义的封建正统思想,以期有助于社会安定,人心归善.纪昀对社会道德沦丧感触颇深,以"神道设教"以示劝惩,他看到纲常大坏,世风日下,欲以此补充道德法律、文明教化之不足,以期使人远恶向善,以维护封建统治的正常秩序.纪昀写的雷神故事是让人相信天网恢恢,疏而不漏,恶行终有恶报的观念.这些故事有一些封建迷信色彩,虽然语颇荒诞,似出寓言,然神道设教,使人知畏,亦警世之苦心.  相似文献   

2.
《阅微草堂笔记》中记载了众多的轮回故事.死亡意味着遗忘前生,但《阅微草堂笔记》中的轮回者往往能清晰地记得前生.纪昀如此刻画轮回故事,和他坚持有限视角的叙述方式有关,也和他坚持“寓劝戒”的创作宗旨有关.既要用现实生活中并不存在的轮回故事导人向善,又坚持不能虚构,纪昀只能记载另类的轮回故事.  相似文献   

3.
神道设教一语,最早见于《易经》中“观”卦的彖辞,原话是:“观天之神道,而四时不忒,圣人以神道设教,而天下服矣。”  相似文献   

4.
从汉画看古代雷神形象的演变   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
在我国的山东、江苏及河南等地的汉画中都曾发现过不少雷神画像 ,有兽形之雷神、人兽合体之雷神 ,以及肩生羽翼之雷神等 ,从这些形象生动而又神态各异的画像中 ,我们足以窥见到古代雷神形象那漫长而复杂的历史演变轨迹。  相似文献   

5.
纪昀关于新疆的诗作笔记及其识史价值   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
纪昀关于新疆的诗作笔记及其识史价值王希隆一纪昀(1724~1805年),字晓岚,又字春帆,晚号观奕道人。直隶献县人。他是清乾隆、嘉庆时期的著名学者,曾任《四库全书》总纂官10余年。今存《四库全书总目提要》、《四库全书简明目录》虽署皇六子永熔之名,其实...  相似文献   

6.
商代"神道设教"质疑   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
王奇伟 《史学月刊》2002,19(4):22-25
对于殷人的敬鬼事神,学界多以神道设教解释之,认为是商王为更好地教民以事君而采取的愚弄广大民众的手段,而殷人是不相信世间真有主宰世界的鬼神存在的。对这一传统观点需要重新检讨。事实上,在商代的大部分时期内,殷人对鬼神是深信不疑且顶礼膜拜的,所谓的神道设教不符合商代的实际情况。  相似文献   

7.
雷神俑考     
白冰 《四川文物》2006,(6):66-75
唐宋墓葬出土之人首鱼身俑、人首蛇身俑、人首龙身俑、猪首人身俑、鸟首人身俑、鳖首人身俑、牛首人身俑、马首人身俑、捧镜女俑、鼓及负鼓力士俑皆为道教雷神或与雷神有关之物。北宋中叶以后,不同形象的雷神相继以明器的形式在墓葬中频繁出现,与道教雷法的兴起和影响有很大关系。  相似文献   

8.
观瀑记     
夏雨 《丝绸之路》2010,(17):72-72
尼亚加拉瀑布在印第安语中是“雷神之水”之意。因为瀑布发出的轰鸣犹如雷神讲话的声音。  相似文献   

9.
道德教化类书是清代私修类书中较有特色的类型,嘉庆年间孟云峰编纂的《人镜集》,以君臣、父子、夫妻、兄弟、朋友为分类体系,采辑伦常方面的资料,汇辑成类书,以期达到劝善戒恶的目的,是清代道德教化类书中的典型代表之作,对于今日研究古代社会人伦道德具有重要价值。  相似文献   

10.
在美国国防工业领域,雷神与洛克希德·马丁、波音、诺思罗普·格鲁曼并称“四大金刚”,声名显赫。该公司创立于1922年,3年后改名为雷神(Raytheon,原意是“众神之光”),总部位于马萨诸塞州波士顿市郊,以生产雷达、导弹、软件系统等电子产品见长,拥有8万名员工,2005年排名全球第五大防务商。目前执掌“雷神”的就是董事长兼首席执行官威廉·斯旺森。  相似文献   

11.
张俊岭 《收藏家》2012,(4):34-40
朱筠(1729-1781年),字竹君,号笥河.直隶大必人。乾隆十九年(1754年)进士。先后任武英殿编修、会试同考官,以及顺天乡试同考官、福建乡试引考官。乾隆三十六年(1771年)至三十八年(1773年)出仃安徽学政。后供职于叫库馆。乾隆叫十四年(1779年)董四十六年(1781年)出任福建学政。  相似文献   

12.
This paper examines several pioneering genre paintings by the important scholar painter Yun Duseo (1668-1715), with its focus on their artistic sources which have not yet been explored so far. Painted on ramie, 'Women Picking Potherbs' is one of the most intriguing examples among Yun Duseo's oeuvre, which encompasses a broad variety of themes, including genre imagery, landscapes, portraits, dragons, and horses. Even among Yun Duseo's genre paintings, 'Women Picking Potherbs' is extraordinary, as recent scholarship regards it as the earliest independent representation of lower-class women in the history of Korean art. In particular, Yun Duseo painted two women who were working ourdoors to gather spring potherbs. In a conservative Confucian society, it was extraordinary women who were working outdoors. Hence, Yun Duseo occupies a highly important place in Korean painting. Furthermore, even though Yun Duseo came from the upper-class, he often painted images of lower class people working. It is possible that Yun Duseo was familiar with the book titled "Tian gong kai wu" (Exploitation of the Works of Nature) which was published in the 17th century. By identifying the probable body of his artistic sources in the book known as "Tian gong kai wu," it will be possible to assess the innovations and limitations found in 'Women Picking Potherbs'.  相似文献   

13.
陈云对正确处理人民内部矛盾理论做出了重大贡献,但长期以来被学术界所忽视,值得我们认真深入挖掘整理:首先,牢牢把握生产关系的变化,正确区分人民内部矛盾和敌我矛盾,从而深刻地认识了执政后人民内部矛盾与敌我矛盾的复杂变化;其次,明确人民内部矛盾的根本原因在于经济建设还不能满足人民群众提高生活水平的需要,大力探索经济建设的规律;最后,注重经济手段的作用,强调从人民的根本利益、长远利益和整体利益出发,从而在经济工作中大力践行了对人民内部矛盾的正确处理。陈云的这一贡献形成了自己鲜明的特点,有很强的理论意义和现实意义。  相似文献   

14.
Abstract

The point of departure is the Kitamorian “Pain of God Theology”. However, the present survey is that of exegesis and of biblical theology. We pose the question whether the concept of the “immutability of God” is that of the OT? We believe our focal texts (Hos 11,8; Jer 31,20; Isa 63, 9+15) do challenge that notion. The righteous God of Israel is not presented as a vindictive god, who delights in judgement. Rather, the glimpses of God's “emotions”, read “passions”, suggest a more complex God‐image. The righteousness of God demands judgement, whereas his compassion finds another solution. We find that female and masculine imagery in connection with God's attitude and feelings toward his people, are frequently interchangeable. The all‐embracing motherly love of God may be seen as an expression of God's heart in tension between inevitable judgement and compassionate love. But the same aspect may also be expressed in the father/son relationship. The passion of God in OT is not a static or inherent condition of God's being. Rather, the anthropomorphic (or, anthropopatic) expressions may be glimpses of a rare “I‐You” relationship between God and his people Israel. The passion of God then becomes the most profound expression of God's dynamic response to man's fatal situation.  相似文献   

15.
ABSTRACT

From the time that Pfeiffer’s work on the structure of the Book of Malachi was published, scholars have divided the Book into six oracles with a common question/answer answer format. Most scholars attempt to identify the genre of the oracles and their sitz im leben according to this struc-ture. However, scholars have overlooked one basic feature connected with this format in the Book of Malachi, a feature that has significant ramifications for the understanding of the book. Examining the content of the questions and answers, we discover that they fall into two different categories, one in which the prophet rebukes the people and the people attempt to justify their actions (in the second, third, and fifth oracles), and one in which the main accusation is made by the people against God, while God justifies Himself against the people’s accusations (in the first, fourth, and sixth oracles). Having made this distinction, we can understand more clearly the principle on which the whole book is based. The oracles of Malachi reflect a breach in the covenantal rela-tionship between God and the people that is expressed through mutual accu-sations. The prophet seeks to repair this breach through a message designed to renew and strengthen the people’s feeling that God is committed to the cove-nantal relationship with Israel.  相似文献   

16.
张柏惠 《民俗研究》2020,(1):49-59,157
汉景帝神是滇西腾冲地区的重要神明,它象征着中原王朝入主西南以前云南本土政权的存在。自明代以来关于汉景帝神的身份便有多种说法,入清后官方与民间围绕着汉景帝神的身份更是展开了"论辩"。在论战中,地方士绅将汉景帝神与中原"正统政权"建立起联系,使之成为掌控地方资源及话语权的一种手段。另一方面,这种论战同样发生在滇西其他地区乃至整个西南,体现了在国家开发地方的过程中当地人运用自己的智慧与国家展开互动,更是区域历史观念与"国家"历史观念之间的博弈。与汉景帝神祠建立关联的娘孃庙则展现出在长时段的历史过程中地方对于"不同来源"的文化的接纳与"本地历史传统"的延续。  相似文献   

17.
从官办到民营——日本明治政府殖产兴业方针的演变   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
本着民富国强的原则,明治政府从早期的官办为主,迅速转变到以发展民营经济为主体的阶段,为此他们采取了官办示范、官督民办、官助民办等多种形式并举的政策,多方扶植诱导。在民营经济成长壮大之后,他们又果断地低价出售国企,结果在很短的时间内,缔造了明治维新的奇迹。  相似文献   

18.
在晋人所撰的诸家东汉史中,西晋史家司马彪所撰纪传体《续汉书》是史学价值较高、较有特色的一部,亦因此得到了后人如刘勰、刘知几、唐太宗等的充分肯定。概括而言,《续汉书》的史学特色及价值主要表现在以下三方面:一,在史书体例方面,所设志目较前史既有延续又有进一步的发展和完善,设立了能反映其撰述动因、史学思想的较有特色和价值的《序传》;二,在史料来源、史料价值方面,司马彪广泛参考了《东观汉记》及各种相关档案、文献,使《续汉书》史料丰富详实,从而使该书不仅成为范晔撰《后汉书》的参考之一,而且可在一定程度上弥补范书、《东观汉记》及《后汉纪》等书记载的简、缺、误等不足;三,《续汉书》所体现的重谱系、天人感应的社会历史观等可折射出晋代史学思想之一斑,有助于借此把握时代特色。  相似文献   

19.
The Framework Convention on Climate Change addressing the problem of global warming at the international level, was signed in 1992. A protocol to the convention, including emission limitation or reduction commitments, was recently adopted. Joint implementation (JI), in any of its various forms, constitutes one of the mechanisms for reducing overall greenhouse gas emissions. The basic rationale for JI is to achieve the greatest global environmental benefits for the least cost. JI can in principle be a useful instrument in implementing environmental agreements. In this article, the authors argue that JI raises several issues of concern in relation to the realization of different aspects of sustainable development. More specifically, in the forestry sector, JI often seems to conflict with local and global environmental priorities. Moreover, the basic premiss on which JI forestry projects are predicated, namely the carbon sequestration potential, is not borne out by available scientific date. In the long term, such projects have a very limited capacity for carbon sequestration considering that woody biomass eventually decays or burns.  相似文献   

20.
晋侯稣钟铭所记战争是《国语.周语上》所说宣王丧南师并“料民于太原”之后进行的,晋侯稣钟铭所记城之战交战地点并非齐鲁的郓城一带,而在今河南中南部的“南国”钧台一带。本文并对夙夷及其有关地名进行了探讨。  相似文献   

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