杨朱学派略论

杨朱是先秦时期重要的思想家,孟子称其学说言盈天下,在当时社会具有重要影响力,而对杨朱学说继承的则是詹何、子华子、巫马子、孟孙阳等人。他们对杨朱思想进行了一定的继承。杨朱思想的兴衰原因除其本身学说之特点相关外,与当时社会之基本状况极为密切。     

太平天国的商业

太平天国时的农民阶级不仅强烈反对地主的压榨,而且深为厌恶奸商的盘剥。他们的主张是:“天下皆是天父上主皇上帝一大家。人人不受私物。物归上主,则主有所运用。天下大家处处平均,人人饱暖矣。”因而对于商业也就主张“商贾     

齐文化与道家源流

齐文化是道家思想的母体文化之一,它建立在对东夷文化的改造创新的基础之上,其基本特征：讲求功利、哲理化和博大的包容性。春秋前的代表人物有姜尚、管仲、晏婴、孙武、杨朱等。老子思想的形成与孙武、杨朱的思想有密切的关系,黄老思想也兴起流传齐地。老子与庄子在思想上的异同,反映了齐文化与楚文化同源异流的关系。     

孟轲对杨朱思想的曲解

杨朱学说在战国时期的诸子百家中,与墨翟俱称“显学”。其主要思想是“存我”、“贵生”。其学说对社会影响颇大。《孟子·滕文公下》说:“杨墨之道不息,孔子之道不著”。所以盘轲站在维护儒家学说的立场,辟杨墨,对杨朱展开了批判。《孟子·尽上心》说:“杨子取为我,拔     

崇正考——兼论客家精神

<正>崇正源出儒家思想对正统文化和伦理道德的推崇,是中华文明的重要思想精髓,是民族共同的文化精神和思想财富。客家人"根在河洛",虽经历次大迁徙流播南方,延及海内外,但始终心怀故土,近代后以"崇正"为天下客家的大旗,成为客家精神最精辟最集中也最有号召力的体现。考"崇正",《晋书·顾和列传》有:"和乃奏曰:礼所以轨物成教,故有国家者莫不崇正明本,以一其统,斯人伦之纪,不二之道也。"[1]这里所"崇"的"正",指的是"正礼""正统"。同时,     

2015奥斯卡,偏执狂的胜利

最佳男配是"陌生人"、最佳男主有"英伦范"、最佳导演是"老疯子"电影学者戴锦华曾说:"这个时代太纠结。"用来形容年年举办的奥斯卡奖项评选,也非常贴切。2015年的奥斯卡,又给评委们出了一套不太好答的题:截至提名公布当日,8部最佳提名影片里无一本土票房过亿。去年,观众们还能看到《地心引力》《华尔街之狼》等票房大热、口碑也不差的商业片的踪影,今年却成了文艺片的天下。     

鼠年话鼠

提起鼠,总使人不愉快,它通常与卑屑、阴暗、肮脏连在一起,鬼鬼祟祟,神神道道,毁墙损物,传病播疫,俨然一灾害使者。却偏偏在十二生肖中,它位居其首。在民俗学中,老鼠也是吉物,"仓鼠有余粮"寓意有鼠则代表生活富足,象征吉祥富裕及生命繁洐。本期,我们将带领读者一起寻找关于"鼠"的秘密。     

清代廉吏石家绍

古人云:"廉者民之表也,贪者民之贼也。"五千年辉煌的历史,廉洁永远是那历史中的常青树,千百年来,它无时无刻不敲打着每一个人的良心。山西历史上廉政名人层出不穷,出了"天下廉吏第一"于成龙、著名清官陈廷敬等。廉政文化建设也是反腐倡廉、净化政治生态的"精神食粮"。通过《清代廉吏石家绍》一文,继承和发扬古人的廉政思想和廉政举措,使其真正成为廉洁发展的推动力。     

“天下为天下人之天下”说辨析

最近一些年来的思想文化史研究中,"天下为天下人之天下"一语被赋予了过多的现代意义。在战国时代的语境中,这个思想的基本意涵,大概有五种情形。一是认为天之所以立君,是出于社会管理的需要;二是认为国君应该以民为本,是民本思想的表达;三是认为国君应该出以公心,是贵公思想的表达;四是认为天下非一姓之世袭,有德者居之;五是针对不道之君的偏私行为而发出的批评声音。这五种情形,都和现代民主思想没有相同之处。离开历史分析的逻辑演绎,是犯了非历史主义的错误,此种风气不可助长。     

“问题中人”梁漱溟

"我不单纯是思想家,我是一个实践者。我是一个要拼命干的人。我一生是拼命干的"梁漱溟曾说,假如有人向他的朋友问起他是怎样一个人,朋友回答"他是一个有思想,又且本着他的思想而行动的人"是恰如其分、最好不过的。思想似乎是人人都有的,但在他看来,大多数人有而等于没有。他们的头脑杂乱无章,所谓的思想,不外乎人云亦云。原因在于他们内心并     

胡适与近代诸子学研究的转型--以胡适的法家研究为中心

胡适对《韩非子》等法家著作的篇章真伪进行了考辨,并用近代的观念阐释法家思想。他将法家思想和西方法学相关联,用进化的观点对法家思想进行了解读,并从逻辑学的角度考察了法家的法治思想。胡适在法家思想研究中所创立的学术研究范式及其表现的学术精神,使其在近代诸子学研究转型中占有重要地位。     

洋务新政时期普通士人的思想转型——以江顺诒为中心

在晚清洋务新政背景下,江顺诒虽屈居下僚,然能以通时务、达事权为奋斗目标。在中外文明比较中,除了对基督教有所批评外,对西洋商业文明、政治制度等多持肯定态度。虽给人"抑中而扬外"的印象,然实则是以"西学中源"为底色的一种"尊西方——超西方"的路径。在古今之变上,并非由"泥古"到"求新"的简单转型,而是务求实用,主张"泥古"、"背古"皆非,以富强为目标的社会发展观。他从一个普通知识分子的角度,回应了洋务新政所带给人们价值观的新变化。     

能动与受动：道咸新学表现的转折与“冲击/反应”模式

道咸新学是清代学术史上的一个重要转折,其“务为前人所不为”的态度既是学问的自然扩展,也显露出明显的“造反”意味,使清代学术在很大程度上游离出明清之际开创的风气。经学内部治学空间、门类和取向逐渐外移,而此前臣服于“汉学专制”的“一切诸学”从边缘走向中心。道咸新学体现了中国传统学术的多元性和开放性,对冲击中国的西教和西学做出了不同的反应,在不断受动中仍保持了能动。由于西潮冲击带来更大的转变,且西学稍后占据“新学”之名,致使道咸“新学”在学术史上呈失语状态。梳理学术史上这一重大转折,探究这一不待西潮冲击先已出现的自身变动与稍后席卷中国之西学的关联互动,对理解西潮冲击的实际影响,以及将中西各自整体化的“冲击/反应”解释模式,都有所助益。     

接收而不接受--铁路知识的供给与刘锡鸿的选择

无论在理论还是实践方面,刘锡鸿都是晚清较早"接收"铁路知识的官员之一,但他却提出25条理由反对中国修筑铁路,从而以"不接受"铁路闻名于时。他的论据在于中国不具备兴办铁路的政治与社会环境,缺乏相应的经济与文化基础。对此,不能以"保守"简单定性,应当看到刘锡鸿对于西学知识的认真思考和理性抉择,进而理解近代国人在接收与接受西方事物方面的复杂性。     

The Life and Poetry of Yun Sŏn-Do 尹善道, the Greatest Poet in the Sijo Form

Abstract

This essay, beginning with the proposition of Confucius being born with knowledge, aims to illustrate the sacred imagination Zhu Xi has on Confucius, as well as how the former utilizes specific hermeneutical strategies to maintain the image of the latter. The essay first places in order theories from scholars in the past, regarding “sages being born with knowledge,” then goes on to examine the exegesis Zhu had on the fact that Confucius has “Inborn Knowledge”; followed by a revelation on how Zhu has made use of the concept of “Expression of Modesty” to resolve textual conflicts caused by the affirmation of such knowledge. Finally, limitations of Zhu's hermeneutical strategies are critically examined, so as to exhibit the correlation between commentators of the Classics and the time they live in. The investigation can deepen our understanding on the hermeneutical tradition of Confucianism, hence producing a complementary effect on recent studies.     

3. SIMA QIAN AND HIS WESTERN COLLEAGUES: ON POSSIBLE CATEGORIES OF DESCRIPTION

This article comments on some of Professor Huang's theses by looking at ancient historiography. It deals with the significance of history in its respective cultural contexts; the kind of orientation that historical thinking and historiography provide; and the relationship between concrete examples and abstract rules in historical argumentation. Distinguishing between ancient Greece and Rome, it shows that Huang's explicit and implicit East‐West oppositions are more valid with respect to ancient Greece than to ancient Rome. on important points, the situation of Rome is surprisingly close to that of china. thus not only in China but also in Rome, tradition and history are highly important as a life‐orienting force (as opposed to the importance of speculative thought in Greece); and not only in China but also in Rome the orientation that historical thinking and historiography provide is to a great extent moral (as opposed to orientation through intellectual insight that, for a historian such as Thucydides, is placed in the foreground). As to the relationship between concrete examples and abstract rules in historical argumentation, the paper takes up Professor Rüsen's category of “exemplary meaning‐generation,” but suggests a distinction between example in the sense of “case/instance” and example in the sense of “model/paragon.” Though the two corresponding modes of exemplary meaning‐generation are mostly entwined, it appears that in Chinese and Roman historical works (in accordance with their stress on moral effect) there is a tendency toward meaning‐generation by example in the sense of “model/paragon,” whereas in Greek historiography (in accordance with its stress on intellectual insight) the tendency is toward meaning‐generation by example in the sense of “case/instance.”     

‘Being in Being’: Contesting the Ontopolitics of Indigeneity

This article critiques the shift towards valorizing indigeneity in western thought and contemporary practice. This shift in approach to indigenous ways of knowing and being, historically derided under conditions of colonialism, is a reflection of the “ontological turn” in anthropology. Rather than seeing indigenous peoples as having an inferior or different understanding of the world to a modernist one, the ontological turn suggests that their importance lies in the fact that they constitute different worlds and “world” in a performatively different way. The radical promise this view holds is that a different world already exists in potentia, the access to which is a question of ontology—of being differently: ‘being in being’ rather than thinking, acting and world-making as if we were transcendent or “possessive” modern subjects. We argue that the ontopolitical arguments for the superiority of indigenous ways of being should not be seen as radical or emancipatory resistances to modernist or colonial epistemological and ontological legacies but rather as a new form of neoliberal governmentality, cynically manipulating critical, postcolonial and ecological sensibilities for its own ends. Thus, rather than “provincializing” dominant western hegemonic practices, such discourses of indigeneity extend them, instituting new forms of governing through calls for adaptation and resilience.     

An Analysis of the “Little China” Ideology of Chosŏn Korea

The Chosŏn dynasty founded by Yi Seong-gye was closely involved in the tributary system of the Ming dynasty. Chosŏn Korea called itself “Little China” due to the following two policies: mohwa (admiring China) and sadae (serving the greater). Chosŏn Korea traced its origin back to the dongyi (Eastern Barbarians) and claimed itself the only nation that had transformed itself from “Yi” (barbarian) to “Hwa” (Chinese) in the Chinese world system. References to the sage Kija (Jizi) in moral, historical, and political writings indicated the beginning of this transformation and thus the worship of Kija was consistently implemented. The ritual and cultural systems in Chosŏn Korea imitated those of China. The policy of admiring China, Confucian thought, and the worship of Confucius comprised a significant part of the “Little China” ideology. After the Ming-Qing transition, Chosŏn Korea did not acknowledge the legitimacy of the Qing dynasty and considered itself the only and true China.     

近代学术转型中的子史关系——以国粹派“诸子亦史”说为中心

“诸子亦史”说是清末时期国粹派提出的重要创见,是中国传统学术转型的表现形态之一。该说的提出,一方面,基于清代学者章学诚、龚自珍等关于诸子与史关系的思考;另一方面,缘于在晚清经今古文之争的情境中,反思康有为对孔子及诸子的宗教化阐释。章太炎、邓实、刘师培虽对子史关系的论证方式存在差别,但皆主张“诸子亦史”。就其内涵而言,“诸子亦史”说是“六经皆史”说的延伸和深化,是“诸子出于王官论”的另一种表述,是“尊史”意识下的诸子学重构。此后,老辈学人张尔田、孙德谦、江璨皆有类似的学术主张,反映了清末民初诸子学发展中的学术共识。从学术转型的角度来看,“诸子亦史”说扩展了史学的范围,提升了史学的地位;增强了诸子学的社会角色,进一步推动了诸子学的复兴;提供了诸子学的史学化之内生转型路径。     

Exemplary Cities in China: The Capitalist Aesthetic and the Loss of Space

ABSTRACT

Since the late twentieth century, the subject of China becoming urban has appeared in the scholarship across the disciplines while spectacular images of China’s cities, and narratives about their developmental achievements, have proliferated in global media. Simultaneously, the parallel “spatial turn” in social thought invigorated geographical approaches to cities and urban change. Yet at this promising meeting ground, between contemporary geographical thought and urban-industrial transformation in China, research has tended to demonstrate a “loss of space” through patterns of dependence on analog circulation of exemplar paradigms that derive from the history of the capitalist city and liberal political economy. What drives this condition and what do we know about its practices and proliferation? This inquiry challenges research design and the politics of theory to consider how routine adoption of capital-centric concepts for research on cities in China arguably reflects the priority of paradigms in the disciplines and their conjunctures with exemplarity in Chinese society and political philosophy. These interstices facilitate application of analog models, and selective adoption of empirical information to suit them, with the paradoxical result of portraying cities in China through multiple capitalist aesthetics including a relatively narrow range of empirics framed by market-based social thought.