清末地方自治新论

地方自治最早产生于西欧，是英国资产阶级革命初期资产阶级为反对封建专制而提出的一种与中央集权政治相对立的地方分权思想与制度。这一政治主张在中国最早由黄遵宪在戊戌变法时期提出，但由于变法的迅速破产，未能引起人们的共鸣。清廷推行“新政”和“预备立宪”以后，在资产阶级立宪派的极力主张下，加之清政府出于维护自身利益的考虑，地方自治成了清廷仿行宪政的重要措施，并在开展的过程中出现了地方官府直接督导、资产阶级立宪派参与和资产阶级立宪派自发倡办、地方官府认可两种类型。清末地方自治的明显特征是内容上的完整性和实施上的冒进性。     

浅析黄遵宪的地方自治理论

黄遵宪的地方自治理论是其进行地方自治实践的指导思想。黄遵宪的地方自治是一种由封建专制向君主立宪政体过渡的一种制度,是一次传统社会向现代国家转型的尝试。本文将从黄遵宪地方自治理论提出、内容、实践以及评价四个方面来论述,阐明利弊,以求全面、客观的认识其理论。     

中世纪前期英国的地方自治形态

早在中世纪前期,英国的地方统治就不同于封建时代中国式的“官治”,而呈现出一定的自治特性。这一自治特性分别表现为“官民合治”与“民官自治”。无论是哪一种情形,其自治形态都属于“国王监控的地方自治”。这种自治形态真实地反映了王权触角的向下延伸与地方集团对王权的制约,它对于英国地方自治的起步、宪政的发展、市民社会的孕育都产生了深远的影响,是英国成为“地方自治之家”与“宪政之乡”的重要原因所在。     

孙中山地方自治思想之学理意义

孙中山关于地方自治的思想理念,是其民权主义政治革命纲领的基本内容。在长期的民主革命实践中,孙中山的地方自治思想不断丰富和完善,尤其是在中华民国建立以后,孙中山始终坚持以地方自治为政治理想,并由此形成了系统而完整的地方自治思想体系,体现了孙中山卓越的政治智慧和坚定的理想信念。孙中山关于地方自治的思想理念,带有鲜明的时代特色和民族属性,它是近代中国资产阶级政治文化的产物,也是近代政治思想发展史上的一个重大理论贡献。虽然这一地方自治思想体系带有不可避免的理论缺陷,在近代民主政治的实践过程中也遇到很多挫折和障碍,但其在学理上的意义是应当给予认真总结和充分肯定的。     

《今日评论》与抗战时期第一次宪政运动

<今日评论>是活跃于抗战时期第一次宪政运动前后的一份中间势力的重要刊物,其作者集中了当时宪政理论水平很高并一直关注中国宪政问题的知识分子,以钱端升、罗隆基、王赣愚、傅斯年等为代表.他们不但是这次宪政运动的积极参与者,还以<今日评论>为阵地,围绕这次宪政运动的主要内容,如政党、国民参政会、国民大会、五五宪草、期成宪草、地方自治等问题,积极阐发自己的看法,对时局产生了较大影响.     

国与民互动视阈中的村民自治路径模式探析

当前中国所推行的村民自治作为实施地方自治、推进民主宪政所迈出的第一步,无疑将对我国的政治现代化进程产生深远而重大的历史影响。中国村民自治所遵循的路径模式区别于西方现代国家的民主自治模式,而是结合了中国国情所创造的一种积极有效、稳妥有序的全新的路径模式。尽管如此,对于中国村民自治路径模式的探索仍将是一个漫长的过程。     

论清末东北宪政改革的特点

以实施宪政为中心的政治改革是清末东北政治现代化的重要特征。具体表现在 :一是通过官制改革调整了地方行政机构 ,加强了地方公署对边疆的控制 ,为东北实施宪政铺平了道路。二是把司法独立作为实施宪政的关键 ,完善了近代地方司法体系。三是以地方自治为实施宪政的基础 ,促进了东北近代民主运动的发展。四是以谘议局为实施宪政的后盾 ,扩大了谘议局参政的深度和广度 ,并充分利用谘议局与商会的特殊关系 ,使公署、谘议局、商会形成一个有机体 ,从而东北的宪政改革得以顺利进行。     

黄东兰著《近代中国的地方自治与明治日本》

日本爱知县立大学黄东兰教授的近著《近代中国的地方自治与明治日本》,以近代中国地方自治的发端———清末民初地方自治的形成与历史变迁为研究对象,分析外国地方自治对中国的制度形成产生的影响。作者从中日两国地方自治制度相互关联的角度入手,着重考察了中国吸收、改造日本     

1946年的宪政方案

1946年的政治协商会议是中国宪政史上极其重要的一幕。在国内外各种因素的促成下,包括国民党、共产党、民主同盟、青年党在内的国内各派政治力量进行政治协商,达成了宪政共识,为中国设计了一套宪政制度。即：改组国民党一党专政的政府,在中国通过一部民主的宪法,建立一个两院国会制、责任内阁制和省自治制度的宪政国家。本文对此进行一个大致的勾勒。     

孙中山、蒋介石与民国保甲制度的复兴

民国保甲制度的复兴,既与孙中山地方自治思想的局限性有关,更与蒋介石对这种局限性的夸大和歪曲有关。孙中山关于地方自治的训政设计、认为中国民众"一盘散沙"以及重视传统社会乡村组织的作用,恰为蒋介石统制和训练民众、恢复保甲制度提供了解释的空间。然而,二者的地方自治思想有着本质差异。在理论基础方面,孙中山强调"主权在民",主张权利与义务的统一,而蒋介石更强调人民单方面应尽的义务;在实施主体上,孙中山强调以县为地方自治单位,体现中央与地方的分权,蒋介石则强调县以下基层乡村为自治单位,体现了国家对社会的控制;在推进方式上,孙中山主张用教育方式训练民众,逐步扩大民权,蒋介石更强调以军事化手段强化民众的服从意识;在借鉴中国古代传统时,孙中山主张融贯中西,探索适合中国实际的地方自治模式,而蒋介石借鉴中国古代保甲制度则是为了"剿共"的现实需要。     

From the Parish to the Publich Realm

The parish church held a central place in local communities in the 18th century, both physically and symbolically; however, the institutions and practices governing the churches differed significantly between the Scandinavian countries. This article traces the development of local church government in Norway from its position under 18th-century absolutism to its inclusion into the new system of local self-government, established in 1837. It is compared to the very different institutions of self-government in Sweden in the same period. Although there were many lines of continuity within local government across the political dividing line marked by the Norwegian constitution of 1814, both local church offices and the parish community underwent conceptual changes related to the new constitutional system. Local church government therefore provides an example of how the notion of the population in general changed from absolutism to constitutional rule; from commoners in contradistinction to the state to communities constituting the very foundation of the state.     

Designing Constitutions in Britain’s Mid-Nineteenth Century Empire – Indigenous Territorial Government in New Zealand and Retrieving Constitutional Histories

Focusing on the striking instance of colonial New Zealand, this article examines constitutional design for colonies of European settlement, arguing about such design in two key respects. First, this article examines the proposals of so-called ‘colonial reformers’ endeavouring to influence constitutional framing, including how their notions on ‘local self-government’ or ‘municipal government’ were reflected or not, while also illuminating their concepts of how to accommodate indigenous territorial governance and indirect administration of indigenous territories in the late 1840s and early 1850s. Second, recovering traces of these disputes and ways of thought from the archives, and how they were operationalised in grounded constitutional drafting or design, rather than resorting to analysing abstract canonical, high-level texts, such as those of Henry Maine and John Stuart Mill, is ultimately more rewarding for evaluating constitutional emergence and design. It reveals tensions within ‘colonial liberalism’, as characterised by Edward Gibbon Wakefield. How putative settler interests informed these metropolitan-Westminster constitutional enactments or not, assessed through cabinet-level discussions, in Colonial Office deliberations on settler agitation, illustrates missteps and failures as well as the particular ways in which diverse features of imperial constitutional design emerged. Examining these points is timely given Linda Colley’s focus on a ‘contagion of constitutions’ in the late eighteenth and early to mid-nineteenth centuries.     

From Democracy to Bureaucracy： The Baojia in Nationalist Thought and Practice, 1927-1949

In the 1939 New County Reforms, the Nationalist government made the baojia system the lowest level of self-government in the country. This decision was the result of more than ten years of discussion among Nationalist administrators and writers who were searching for a tutelary system to train the people in their political rights in preparation for constitutional rule. In the 1920s and 1930s, Nationalist writers claimed to be following Sun Zhongshan＇s （Sun Yat-sen） philosophy by reinventing the baojia as a form of democracy. Harkening back to a reimagined national past, they ＂discovered＂ that the imperial baojia was not a system of local control, but a traditional model of bureaucratically-designed local self-government. Nationalist writers dovetailed this new baojia with Sun Zhongshan＇s philosophy in order to rationalize its position as the foundation of the Three Principles of the People State. Once philosophically legitimized, Nationalist writers endorsed the baojia as a top-down bureaucratic system that would transform the political, social, and economic life of the country; it would become the core political unit of their state-making and nation-building projects. In so doing, the baojia came to represent the Nationalists＇ deeply-held belief in the power of human agency to create state institutions capable of entirely remaking society and transforming the nation.     

民初国会对孔教的争论及其思考

民初国会对孔教的争论,是中西文化冲突在政治层面上的反映。主张孔教者希望将孔教载入宪法,体现在立国精神中,将民族文化精神与宪政结合起来,忽视了与共和政体对立的因素,在客观上阻碍了宪政的顺利进行;而反对孔教者,则看到了传统与宪政间的对立,加剧了民族文化认同危机,二者均存不足。     

清末士绅阶层与辛亥革命

晚清的社会变革使传统士绅阶层出现分化,促使了新派士绅阶层的发展、壮大。他们在辛亥革命前的政治舞台上相当活跃,致力于新式教育文化事业、创办近代企业、倡导立宪及地方自治,为自己谋求政治、经济上的权益,客观上为辛亥革命在全国的胜利准备了一定的条件。在辛亥革命中,士绅阶层赞成共和,依附革命,积极参与革命活动和各地政权的建立。清末士绅阶层与辛亥革命的爆发、胜利、失败及民初政治均有极为密切的关系,是左右清末政局的一支重要力量。     

晚清江苏民变中的反地方自治现象探析

晚清江苏地方自治的推行在当时堪称典型。但由于统治者对自治本意的歪曲及对官办模式的偏重;由于严重的财政危机,国地税改革的功利性与不断加重的捐税;由于下层群众被排除在文化资源拥有者之外,民智民力水平的低下;由于官府与新、旧士绅对基层政治资源的争夺;加之统治者处理民变措施的失误,地方自治陷于困厄并引发江苏省反自治民变。其突出表现为抗捐抗税、反对户口调查、捣毁学校与自治公所等。反地方自治民变表现的社会动员的缺乏、国家—社会关系失序的教训十分深刻。     

An Exemplary Leader?: New Zealand and Decolonization of the Cook Islands and Niue

ABSTRACT

New Zealand is proud of its decolonization record: Prime Minister Peter Fraser’s role in developing provisions for non-self-governing territories in the United Nations; New Zealand’s support for the 1960 declaration on colonialism; its leadership on decolonization in the Pacific; the innovative decolonization solution of self-government in free association with New Zealand adopted by the Cook Islands in 1965, and similar arrangement by Niue in 1974. This record is ascribed to a New Zealand belief in self-determination. Closer examination shows many officials, ministers and parliamentarians were opposed to self-government for the Cook Islands, and concerns lingered about Niue. The arrangements reached reflected New Zealand’s reluctance to let go. Yet self-government was granted, in the context of a reassuring New Zealand view of itself as the centre of the South Pacific region. With new competition for influence in the region, it is important that New Zealand does not seek to constrain the Cook Islands’ and Niue’s self-government and potential future self-determination.     

辛亥革命时期的省制纠结

辛亥各省光复政权乃至民初政府的省制,多在清末外官改制和各省独立自治的基础上加以变通,共和制下如何确定中央与地方的关系,省制成为关键。民初朝野舆论相持最久、困扰最多的省制方案与争论,不宜单从民主与专制较量的角度立论,还应考虑时人对国家统一的向往与对分裂的隐忧。中国历史文化中,分合与治乱兴衰紧密联系。省制模式中集权与分权、官治与自治的平衡取舍,既与民主、专制相关联,也与统一或分裂的抉择相始终。由于以省为地方自治层级范围过大,东西方各国无此先例,单一制与联邦制均不适合,民初省制因此成为本土国情与域外制度纠结甚深的焦点。这一难解的症结,或许仍将对中国的政治体制改革产生深远影响。     

清末城市自治思想及其对近代城市发展的影响

清末,一些有识之士发现城市自治制度是西方民主政治的基础性结构后,自觉地将实现民主政治的愿望寄托在争取城市自治之上。清末地方自治的实践主要侧重于城市进行,使城市自治运动实质上成为地方自治运动的主体。政治民主化城市优先发展的思路由此初露端倪,并且成为近代城市在政治层面发展的主线,影响着近代城市的发展走向。城市自治思想使近代城市的发展具有以追求实现民主政治为目标指向的主观精神动力。