从日本吸收外来文化的特征看中日茶文化交流

世界上每一个民族都有自己的文化,日本民族是一个善于吸收外来文化的民族,日本文化就是一种摄取融合外来文化并不断学习发展的混合文化,日本在主动吸收外来文化的过程中形成了自己的特征。本文试从中日之间的茶文化交流着手,来阐明日本对待外来文化的态度。     

稳定日中关系的可能性——从塘沽停战协定到卢沟桥事件

前言：＂十五年战争论＂ ＂十五年战争论＂是理解1930年代日本对外行动问题上一个比较有说服力的历史解读。当初这一说法被理解为一种单线式的历史解释,即从满洲事变到日中战争再到太平洋战争是历史发展的必然,满洲事变使得日中无法避免一战,日中战争无法逃脱太平洋战争的命运。围绕这一历史解读,日本近现代史学家展开讨论,对十五年战争论进行了尖锐的批判。     

尺八文化在日本的传承与发展

日本在吸收中华优秀文化的同时,也注重其与本土文化的结合。文章围绕作为音乐与佛教载体的中国尺八文化的内涵、唐尺八与日本本土文化从并存到消亡、宋尺八与日本本土文化的结合及其在日本的传承与发展,从一个侧面揭示了日本吸收与发展中国文化的曲折过程,以及＂和魂汉才＂思想下融合外来文化的文明体系的发展历程。     

甲午战争与近代日本国民的形成——近代媒体的发展与作用

培养近代国民是国民国家建设的重要目标,同时具备民族特质和公民特质是国民的内在属性。甲午战争是日本进入近代以来的第一次大规模对外战争,＂印刷资本主义＂的出现和发展形成了能够构成民族共同体的舆论条件。战争与媒体交互影响,使＂日本人＂的自我意识得以强化,对外形成了对朝鲜和中国的优越感和蔑视感,军人被英雄化、神圣化,围绕战争也形成教育方式多样性,民众由此达成了对天皇和国家的认同,甲午战争成为近代日本国民＂民族＂特质的重要标志。     

阿伊努民族服饰文化

阿伊努是世界上古老民族之一。阿伊努是日本群岛上的先住民族,是日本国的唯一少数民族,是日本人的祖先。阿伊努(AINU)是“人”的意思。自古以来就在日本群岛居住,在历史上称为“虾夷”、“夷”、“狄”等。现在,居住日本北海道的阿伊努民族,人口总数约一万五千人。     

民族优越论:日本对外侵略的重要思想源流

近代日本是一个穷兵黩武的国家,隐含在连绵不断的侵略行为背后的诸种思想理论是其精神指导和意识动因,其中根深蒂固的民族优越论是最直接的思想基础,即使在今天,这种优越感依然存在,并一再表现在日本对内对外政策上。因此,追溯、整理近代日本对外侵略过程中的民族优越思想,就具有历史和现实的双重意义。     

日本民族起源问题的语言学视界考略

从距今8千多年的绳文文化时期到公元6世纪前后的古坟文化时期,日本列岛上的民族经历了相当漫长的无文字历史阶段。由于四面环海的特殊地理位置所限,古代外部发达民族对它的了解或历史记述也寥寥无几。因此,有关日本民族早期形成过程的研究,很早就引起了日本及西方学者们的广泛关注。日本的绳文文化时期是指从距今7、8千年至公元前2世纪的历史时期。从考古出土     

日本学者对明“四夷馆”及《华夷译语》的研究状况

四夷馆是我国历史上最早为培养翻译人员而设立的专门机构。主要负责翻译朝贡国家往来文书 ,并教习周边民族、国家的语言文字。四夷馆在明永乐五年 (1 40 7)初设时 ,分为鞑靼、女真、西番、西天、回回、百夷、高昌、缅甸等八馆 ,后正德六年 (1 51 1 )增设八百馆 ;万历七年 (1 579)增设暹罗馆 ,计为十馆。《华夷译语》是四夷馆十馆为教习诸番语言文字而编撰的诸番语言和汉语对译教科书一、对四夷馆的研究日本学者研究有关明四夷馆的建置、沿革等方面的论文很少 ,对明代四夷馆的教学体制、四夷馆翻译人员在中原与周边民族、国家的交往中所起的…     

试论历史正统观的起源与内涵

中国历史上的“正统”观念有一个形成、发展的过程,它最早发轫于远古中原“诸夏”与四夷的“华夷之辨”,形成内华夏、外夷狄的民族正统理念,“攘夷”是其主要表现。“攘夷”必须“尊王”,王不尊则夷难攘,尊王则要强调天命。于是,以君权神授为基础的王权正统成为正统观的核心内涵,表达君权神授天命观的“历数”、“正朔”等政治概念及春秋战国时代的“尊王”旗号集中反映出这种正统意识。民族正统与政治正统理念必然反映到文化思想上来,也必然需要文化思想来支持和传承,维护民族正统与政治正统的儒家思想文化由此应运而生。中国历史上的正统观念包含民族正统、政治正统、文化正统三种内涵。     

中日关系六十年的一些大事

中日关系是我国对外关系中一个非常重要的问题。在两国两千年交往的历史中,两国人民和睦相处,友好交流相互学习,对东方文明做出了贡献。日本1868年明治维新后,很快走上对外扩张侵略的道路,1894年发动甲午战争、占领了台湾,日本侵略中国半个世纪给中国人民造成了深重的灾难,也给日本人民带来了巨大的苦难。     

The Senzai Maru's visit to Shanghai and its understanding of China

ABSTRACT

The significance of the Senzai Maru’s 1862 journey to Shanghai was great. From this opportunity, Japan not only learned from its neighbor the danger of closing off one’s borders and refusing to change, but also the importance of expanding its horizons and “learning from the world.” From these lessons, Japan transitioned from “expelling barbarians” toward “enlightenment,” from conservative to “reformist.” After successfully overthrowing the Tokugawa shogunate, Japan’s Meiji reforms thrived.     

Japan's Sporting Diplomacy: The 1964 Tokyo Olympiad

At a time when Japanese foreign policy was constrained by the legacies of war and the exigencies of the Cold War, hosting the 1964 Tokyo Olympics was conceived as an alternative means of engagement with the international community. The sporting diplomacy of the Tokyo Olympics centered around elevating Japan’s international position by engaging the people of the world on a grassroots level. The pervasive notion that sports are separate from politics helped smooth Japan’s return to the international community, while concerns about the image presented to foreign audiences motivated efforts to internationalize Japan, in terms of both the physical infrastructure of the capital and attitudes of the people. The development of infrastructure for the Games—including new buildings, roads, and trains, and even a satellite to facilitate live international broadcast—all contributed to making Japan more “international.” The event was a great success for Japan, both athletically and diplomatically, and sports diplomacy became a lasting component of Japan’s foreign policy, still used today to promote international connections and develop greater knowledge and understanding of Japan. At the same time, this build-up of soft power also cleared the way for the development of greater hard power by Japan.     

Sight and Sound on the Western Front: Surveyors,Scientists, and the ‘Battlefield Laboratory’, 1915–1918

Abstract

The Japanese were a race who considered themselves to possess a mission in the world, and were a military race from beginning to end. In a comparatively short space of time Japan had brought three wars to a successful conclusion.

Admiral Earl Beatty, First Sea Lord (1919–1927), 3 July 1925

it is on record that one young samurai… was so convinced at first that bravery by itself was sufficient to overcome the power of the western ‘barbarians’, that he swam out to Perry's flag-ship with his sword in his teeth, intending to fight the whole ship's company single-handed. This man was Yamagata, who died but recently.

Captain M.D. Kennedy, Military Language Officer in Japan (1917–1920), 1928     

甲午战争前后东亚海权与海防的较量及其影响

一场甲午战争,使东亚海权格局剧变,由此构成中日两国命运变化的历史拐点。战前,中日两国面对西方殖民扩张的相同遭遇,展开了近30年的海军现代化建设,并在互为敌手的竞争中日益凸显于以英国为主导的东亚海权格局之中。然而,不同的战略选择决定了不同的命运,甲午战争用血与火诠释了海权与海防的本质区别及其决定性影响。正因为战败后的中国已完全置身于东亚海权格局之外,再次陷入有海无防的境地,导致海权得以坐大的日本推行"大陆政策"更加有恃无恐,在列强瓜分中国的狂潮中走上独霸东亚之路。     

王阳明“快乐教育”初探

王阳明有多篇教育论著,其中提出教育儿童“必使其趋向鼓舞,中心喜悦”的要求。为此,提“歌诗”、游戏、郊游等活动,令其“乐习不倦”。这便是东方教育史上“快乐教育”的滥觞。比西方教育史上出现的”快乐之家”早了三百多年。     

Erasmus’ ethnological hierarchy of peoples and races

No comprehensive research of Erasmus’ ethnological mind has been published, so far. Erasmus’ attitudes toward Turks and Jews were discussed analytically but not synthetically or comparatively. An attempt to widen the ethnological scope and to define and classify Erasmus’ attitudes toward different non-Christian groups is presented here. Christian Europeans (populus Christianus) were at the top of Erasmus’ echelon. Second to them were ‘half-Christians’, i.e. Turks, or Muslims in general. Below them were Jews, and lower in the hierarchy were black Africans (Aethiopes). Yet, no one was unworthy of conversion to Christianity, even barbarians of the third kind – according to Bartolomé Las Casas’ sort – the most inferior barbarians, slaves by nature, as defined by Aristotle. According to Las Casas, these barbarians were too low to ask for God and were not candidates for conversion to Christianity. Erasmus’ believed that Barbarians of any kind deserved Christianity without being brutally forced to accept it. Yet, in practice, converts from Judaism to Christianity were rated, even by Erasmus, as lower than Christians. This, in addition to the principle that Christian peace excludes war against the Turks, is the very essence of Erasmus’ pax et concordia.     

Transposition in Japanese state identities: overseas troop dispatches and the emergence of a humanitarian power?

This article aims to illustrate the trajectory of Japan's security identity transposition. As one of the catalysts in identity transposition, it focuses on the constitutive roles of norms regulating Japan's overseas dispatches of the Self-Defense Forces (SDF). Whilst keeping the identities of ‘a peace state’ and ‘a civilian power’, the authors argue that Japan has crafted a new security identity after the end of the cold war and the 9/11 terrorist attacks—namely, ‘an international humanitarian power’. As evidence of this transposition, the authors illustrate a dramatic increase in the number of overseas SDF dispatches on humanitarian missions, and the shift of domestic and foreign responses to it. The authors note that Japan has been on the road to remilitarisation and internationalisation during the past four decades through the enactments of laws for overseas SDF dispatches, the general public's shift of attitude on the SDF's roles, the evolution of the alliance in a more operational direction, and the creation of threats from North Korea and China. Lastly, the authors argue that there is still a long way to go before Japan emerges as a normal state because of the presence of many domestic and structural barriers, especially multiple identities defining the Japanese state.     

伪满洲国初期的对外贸易

20世纪初至1930年,中国东北地区的对外贸易规模不断扩大。伪满洲国成立后,伪满政府倚仗日本关东军,强行侵占了我国东北各地海关。中国东北地区长期出超的局面在1933年反转,并且入超额出现扩大趋势。伪满政权极力促进所谓的“日满一体化”,使得东北地区的对外贸易更加向对日贸易集中。随着列强的经济利益争夺日趋白热化,伪满洲国逐渐步入统制贸易之途。     

Internet freedom,human rights and power

Internet freedom is rapidly becoming understood as a normative framework for how the Internet should function and be used globally. Recently declared a human right by the United Nations, it also forms a central pillar of the USA's 21st Century Statecraft foreign policy doctrine. This article argues that although there is a clear human rights agenda present in this policy, there is also a power element which is much less discussed or acknowledged in the vast literature on Internet freedom. Through an exploration of both a short history and some important lessons learned about Internet freedom, this article demonstrates how the US Department of State has adapted to the information age in such a way as to harness individual agency (reconceptualised in policy terms as ‘civilian power’) for the promotion of state power. Although this is by no means as stable or reliable as some more conventional mechanisms, it is an expression of power that meets with few challenges to its legitimacy.     

Australia and middle power approaches to Asia Pacific regionalism

This article presents a liberal-institutionalist conceptual framework drawn from Middle Power theory to analyse Australian foreign policy approaches towards Asia Pacific regionalism. Building on precedents set by the former Keating administration, the Labor government of Rudd/Gillard (2007–13) undertook high-profile efforts not only to engage, but to champion, the regionalism process in the Asia Pacific. This enterprise became fused with a self-proclaimed identity as a ‘creative middle power’. Through an analysis of regional community building, regional security architecture and regional order, the article identifies the strong linkages between the theory and practice of ‘middle power’ diplomacy, and the concept of ‘regionalism’ itself, in Australian foreign policy. The article thus contributes to the theoretical literature by exposing the important intersections between the two concepts and concludes that despite Rudd’s prolific attempts to harness Australia’s middle power credentials, Canberra was not able to significantly affect the process of Asia Pacific regionalism unilaterally.