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1.
正随着1968年9月5日西藏自治区革委会和新疆维吾尔自治区革委会同时宣布成立,至此,全国除台湾外,29个省、市、自治区都先后成立了革委会,实现"全国山河一片红"。与此同时,国务院下设的部级机构也一律实行革委会体制,大幅精简。干部编制总数也大量缩减。从中央到地方绝大部分干部都被精简,如何安置这些人是个棘手的问题。经过调查研究后,全国各地都先后成立了干校(还有的地方成立了"五七"干校,意指走毛主  相似文献   

2.
1969年"九大"以后,上海京剧院革委会鉴于周信芳已被批判多年,有意想解放他(周曾是上海京剧院院长),遂打了个"请示报告"给市革会。1970年,张春桥在上海市委会、市革会的一次会议上,谈到"阶级斗争新动向"时,阴险地说:"京剧院打了个报告,说要解放周信芳。假如周信芳也可以解放的话,那么,地富反坏右都可以解放了……"  相似文献   

3.
1968年11月至1973年12月,我在洞庭湖滨的华容县"五七"干校度过了五年有余的"牛棚生活"。三分之一世纪过去了,已是古稀之年的我,每当回首这段人生轨迹,仍然感慨万端。创建华容"五七"干校1968年,那场自毁长城的无产阶级文化大革命,进入了夺权斗争阶段,即推翻原来的党委,建立新政权--"革命委员会"。全国除台湾省以外的29个省、市、自治区,相继成立了革命委员会,实现了"祖国大陆山河一片红"的壮观局面。就华容县而言,原县委和人委进入革委会的科局级以上的"革命干部"屈指可数,造反派也为数不多,绝大多数干部成了无所事事的"下岗  相似文献   

4.
刘开 《文史天地》2012,(10):60-62
1951年3月,山东省苍山县发生了一起震惊全国的婚姻大案——青年妇女潘氏因要求离婚被婆母等人残害致死。在新中国颁布婚姻法将近一年的时候,仍然发生了如此疯狂地对抗婚姻法的事件,因此引起广大群众的愤慨和各级党政领导的重视,除山东省检察署、省法院领导亲自审理和山东《大众日报》发了长篇社论外,中共中央华东局发了通报,全国妇联再次通知要求各地妇联加强婚姻法的宣传与贯彻。  相似文献   

5.
在东南亚殖民地时代,"虚拟血缘"的组织原则对于华人移民社会的重组重建及其运作,具有重要的意义.本文以19世纪的新加坡为个案,考察华人移民如何透过埋葬先人的坟山组织建构"社群共祖"以整合华人社会,讨论东南亚华人虚拟的"先人"或"祖先"概念,进而思考海外华人的亲属研究问题.本文也讨论与比较了"虚拟血缘"组织原则在明代华南宗族"联宗"形态、台湾汉人社会发展早期的"合约式"宗族和东南亚华人坟山组织的不同运用.  相似文献   

6.
一般认为20世纪二三十年代"疑古"与"释古"两条学术路向分别代表了破坏古史和重建古史两条不同的路线。这一看法大体成立。但二者在观念上也有不少相通乃至相同的地方。一方面,"重建派"学者在研究中也运用了与顾颉刚非常相似的"层累说"观察古史的构成,而历史研究中的"故事眼光"更成为贯穿"疑古"和"释古"的一条道路。另一方面,"疑古派"在辨伪过程中也发展出来一些与"重建派"非常相似的具有建设意义的观念,但因其给人留下的"破坏"的形象过强而被忽视了。  相似文献   

7.
志书出版后的工作问题郑正西在各级人民政府的领导下,我区修志工作正在深入进行,健康发展。截止至1994年8月底止,全区共有44个县志办和17个区直志办(编辑室)分别完成了志书编纂任务;再往后看,将有更多的修志单位也将完成本届修志任务。那么,这些修志结束...  相似文献   

8.
石耘 《文史精华》2011,(8):40-45
1966年至1976年,在中国大地上发生了一场轰轰烈烈的的“文化大革命”运动.就在运动初期.河南省灵宝县炮制了闻名全目的“精兵简政”典型,一时间全国上下掀起了一场大规模的学习灵宝经验的热潮。 事情的缘起1966年5月,“文化大革命”爆发,后经全面夺权,至1968年9月西藏、新疆两地革命委员会(以下简称“革委会”)成立,全国大陆省份全部成立了革委会,此即实现了,当时所谓的“祖国山河一片红”。  相似文献   

9.
《百年潮》2017,(10)
<正>解放战争中,朱德在中央工委工作期间,以"总力战"的思想改组晋察冀野战军的领导机构,统一后勤部门,参加和组织指挥了一系列的战役战斗,为晋察冀野战军的重建和整训倾注了大量心血,胜利地完成了中共中央委托给中央工委"将晋察冀的军事问题解决好"的重大任务。一1947年,在我们党的历史上是具有重大转折意义的年份,毛主席用一个"熬"字来形容。对于人民解放军来说,当时的形势是敌强我弱,国民党对解放区大举进攻,承德、张家口等153座重要城市在解  相似文献   

10.
钱易,生干1936年,江苏无锡人,著名国学大师钱穆之女。现任清华大学教授,曾任全国妇联副主席、北京市政协副主席、中国科协副主席、全国人大环境与资源保护委员会副主任委员。1951年至1952年在江苏省苏州市文联、苏南文教处工作。1952年至1956年在上海同济大学学习。1956年至1957年任上海同济大学助教。1957年考入清华大学攻读研究生,1959年10月毕业后留校任教至今。历任清华大学环境工程系助教、讲师、副教授、教授、教研室主任、环境模拟与污染控制国家重点联合实验室主任。  相似文献   

11.
From 1900 to 1902, the General Federation of Women's Clubs' official commitment to "unity in diversity" was tested to the limits when an explosive debate over the admission of African American women's clubs deeply, and in some cases irreparably, divided individual clubs and state federations and nearly resulted in the loss of half of the organization's burgeoning membership. The controversy reveals a captivating, complicated, and at times bizarre struggle between Northern and Southern white members of the General Federation to defend their particular views of race and, in many cases, to obfuscate their own deep-seated racial prejudices. Most members ultimately sacrificed principle for the sake of federation unity, albeit a unity without racial diversity, and thus squandered the opportunity to combine the talents and energies of all organized women in an effort toward social justice and humanitarian reform.  相似文献   

12.
In the nineteenth century, women discovered that nonconformist churches provided a third, intermediate sphere between private and public life in which they could find a variety of roles. Churches provided a supportive environment where, as "Angels out of the House" they found an extension of their role in the home. In some cases, however, they clearly moved beyond that to the public sphere. Women taught in Sunday schools, visited the poor and sick, distributed tracts, were instrumental in fundraising, led Methodist class meetings, prayed with other women, and some even preached. Despite the importance of women within Nonconformity, and the significance of religion in many women's lives, few historians of either Nonconformity or women's history have concentrated on women's lives within these churches. This paper seeks to add to our limited knowledge of their activities within the "intermediate sphere" in four denominations.  相似文献   

13.
This paper examines some representations of the anxiety and uncertainty about "white woman's place" in tropical North Queensland that were present in medical and general discourse in the early twentieth century. It focuses on white women's work in the private sphere as both the source of and the solution to these anxieties. Although 'White Australia' had been legislatively established in the "public sphere" by the 1920s, through the passage of the Queensland Aboriginal Protection Act of 1897, and the Commonwealth Immigration Restriction Act of 1901, in the tropics there was still public concern about how it would be established in the "private sphere". This was because even though the conventional wisdom that a white man could not work in the tropics and remain healthy had been successfully challenged by the early twentieth century, the same could not be said about such wisdom as it applied to white women and children. This paper looks at some of the ways that ideologies of race and gender intersected in the early twentieth century to construct white women and children as a group that could bring down the successful establishment of "White Australia", and this group was specially targeted for surveillance by the "new experts" of medicine, sociology and domestic science.  相似文献   

14.
The valuable oral history guidebook, In Our Own Voices: A Guideto Conducting Life History Interviews with American Jewish Women,opens with this quote by Nen Lederkremen, "Without roots wecannot grow." The Jewish Women's Archive, an organization thatwas founded in 1995, has done an excellent job in enabling AmericanJewish women to record their roots. The Jewish Women's Archivefelt that women's contributions had been missing from the accountof the American Jewish experience. To rectify this, they pioneeredthe use of community-based oral history projects with Jewishwomen in Boston,  相似文献   

15.
This article examines the reason for the passage of the 1922 Infanticide Act, arguing that it owes much to the influence and work of women's policy networks. Historians have disagreed as to why the Act was passed with relative suddenness in the early 1920s, at a time when infanticide was generally considered a much less pressing social issue than it had been in Victorian England. Moreover, several Bills brought between 1908 and 1913 proposing that the law on this subject be amended so that women who killed their newborns no longer faced the death penalty had all failed. Importantly, the roles of juror and lay magistrate had become open to women in 1920, following the passage of the Sex Disqualification (Removal) Act 1919. The public interest generated by a case of newborn murder tried at the Leicester Assizes in 1921 (particularly amongst women's organizations, including the suffragette group the Women's Freedom League) led several leading women with political connections to push for a change in the law. Without the pressure these women could bring to bear on civil servants and politicians, attempts to bring in new legislation on infanticide would have been postponed well into the twentieth century.  相似文献   

16.
建国以来女性教育的成果、问题及对策   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
女性的教育状况是衡量女性在社会中地位高低的主要标志之一.新中国建立后制定的有关法律和法规,新的教育体制的确立以及开展的女性扫盲运动、女性基础教育、高等教育、研究生教育、留学教育和继续教育等实践,使中国女性在提高了政治和社会地位的同时,也提高了文化知识水平和科学技术的应用能力.教育是立国之本,而女性教育更关系到民族的兴亡和国家的盛衰.占中国人口一半以上的女性自身素质和文化水平曾对建国以来的社会发展产生过很大影响,并将继续对21世纪中国科技、经济、社会的走向产生巨大的影响.  相似文献   

17.
This article considers why and how locality influenced feminists' perceptions of colonised women. It does so through an analysis of how militants and novelists linked with the Union Française pour le Suffrage des Femmes (French Union for Women's Suffrage, UFSF) perceived the Arab and Berber women of colonial North Africa. The organisation had branches in North Africa, and thus feminists in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia are compared to those in France. Where these women lived shaped their understanding of French women's roles in the colonies, along with their opinions regarding the rights to which colonised women could lay claim. Tensions among UFSF members are traced here through the literary figure Elissa Rhaïs, articles in the feminist newspaper  La Française  and correspondence among UFSF members. These sources indicate that while all these French women positioned themselves as mediators of colonialism and women's rights, their precise interpretations of that mediation were consistently influenced by local concerns.  相似文献   

18.
This paper examines how women's fear of violence is realised as spatial exclusions. Quantitative surveys on fear are used to show the number of women who are afraid, and the nature of the most frightening places. However, it is argued that quantitative surveys are of limited value in approaching the mental and social processes behind fear and in understanding the fear-related production of space. Qualitative research methods are used to explain the matter in more depth. It may be argued that fear is a consequence of women's unequal status, but it also contributes to perpetuating gendered inequalities. The paper reveals multiple experiences that change women's relations to space. Experiences and attempts at violence, and incidents of sexual harassment produce a space from which women are excluded on account of their gender. Social and emotional aspects, such as increased feelings of vulnerability, lack of social support, and a feeling of not having control over what is happening to oneself, have spatial consequences. These feelings often increase along with ageing, injuring, bereavement or moving to another place, as well as pregnancy and motherhood. I argue that the spatial exclusions in women's lives are a reflection of gendered power relations. Women's subjective feelings contribute to the intersubjective power-related process of producing space. Urban space is produced by gender relations, and reproduced in those everyday practices where women do not-or dare not-have a choice over their own spatial behaviour.  相似文献   

19.
Domoto A 《UN chronicle》1999,36(2):72-73
The article discusses the role of women in environmental conservation and in the promotion of the "green revolution" movement. Environmental degradation and pollution arises with the occurrence of industrial revolution and modernization. Women's vulnerability to these environmental problems results in a greater awareness of the links between the environment and human health. Women are in a strong position to develop integrated responses to the problems surrounding them. With the many barriers women faced, more and more women are educators, scientist, doctors, politicians, and business leaders. These women have a special responsibility to ensure that agricultural chemical and genetic engineering do not endanger the health of the food supply or the environment as a whole; that high quality reproductive health services are made available to those in need; that girls receive decent education; that business decisions are made with a firm eye on their environmental and social consequences; and that this planet fits for human habitation. By virtue of women's powerful position as consumers and educators, and their rising strength as business and political leaders, they have the opportunity to implement holistic solutions to environmental problems. Since the well being of the environment is a prerequisite to human well being, a true "green revolution" is called for. It necessitates the drafting and implementation of holistic legislation, the creation of accounting systems that account for the environment, and the inclusion of people across the social spectrum.  相似文献   

20.
This article examines the institutional linkages between three women workers' co-operatives, the first women's credit co-operative in China, and the co-operative support organization, the International Committee for the Promotion of Chinese Industrial Co-operatives (ICCIC). The study shows that Chinese women in rural areas have increasingly adopted co-operatives as a form of organization in their efforts to address the problem of their lack of access to resources, including land, credit, jobs, training and information, and to participate in the mainstream economy as an organized force. This article demonstrates that stronger institutional linkages between local offices of the All-China Women's Federation and the ICCIC encourage the growth of women's co-operative activities. It raises two sets of policy issues that are central to the development of co-operatives and women's banking: the continued growth of these activities will depend upon the government adopting legislation to define the legal framework governing co-operative relations and management systems, and establishing gender-inclusive policies to increase credit to women's income-generating activities.  相似文献   

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