基于信息权力论的智慧城市建设刍议北大核心CSSCI

基于信息权力论视角,智慧城市的建设可以理解为面向信息权力争夺的城市竞争力提升战略。本文将信息权力分解为信息生产、信息获取和信息控制三个权力维度,并对其测算方法进行了讨论和定义;在此基础上,对我国现有23个"智慧城市"的信息权力进行了测度,并将之与城市竞争力评价结果进行了比较。分析结论显示,我国城市信息权力个体差异明显,尤其表现在信息生产和信息控制方面;城市信息权力和城市竞争力之间的多种组合类型,亦可为进一步的智慧城市建设因地制宜提供借鉴。根据分析结论,特别强调对于信息权力培育的重视,以及信息生产、信息获取和信息控制能力三者的协调发展。     

基于信息权力论的智慧城市建设刍议

基于信息权力论视角,智慧城市的建设可以理解为面向信息权力争夺的城市竞争力提升战略。本文将信息权力分解为信息生产、信息获取和信息控制三个权力维度,并对其测算方法进行了讨论和定义;在此基础上,对我国现有23个"智慧城市"的信息权力进行了测度,并将之与城市竞争力评价结果进行了比较。分析结论显示,我国城市信息权力个体差异明显,尤其表现在信息生产和信息控制方面;城市信息权力和城市竞争力之间的多种组合类型,亦可为进一步的智慧城市建设因地制宜提供借鉴。根据分析结论,特别强调对于信息权力培育的重视,以及信息生产、信息获取和信息控制能力三者的协调发展。     

环境政治中国际非政府组织的角色——基于批判地缘政治的视角

国际非政府组织（INGO）在国际环境政治中发挥着日益重要的角色,也是中国"一带一路"走出去的关键影响要素之一。批判地缘政治关注主权国家之外的非政府行为体,同时对权力概念提出了新的理解。借助其思想,本文指出国际环境政治中INGO的作用,并通过尺度-权力框架分析其行动和角色。发现：①INGO在环境等国际公共事务上作用不断凸显;②INGO在多个尺度上通过不同的权力影响环境政治;③INGO与政府存在依赖、合作和对抗等不同的互动关系。因此,应处理好与INGO的关系,借助其独特的权力助力"一带一路"建设。     

浅析20世纪世界格局几经变迁的原因

世界格局(configurationofworldpower)犤1犦是指由世界上各种基本力量的对比和配置形成的国际总体框架结构。它具体表现为包括主权国家、国家集团以及国际组织等行为体在追求权利、权力与利益、维护和平与发展等政治活动中形成的各种关系,以及相互间展开的多层次多方位的对抗与合作式样。回顾风云变幻的20世纪,国际舞台上大国兴衰沉浮,各类矛盾纵横交织,国际力量不断分化组合,世界格局也随之几经变迁。从历史唯物主义角度来看,导致世界格局变化的根本原因是经济因素。世界格局的几经变迁是生产力和各种政治力量互为条件、相互作用和制约而融…     

废科举后清末乡村学务中的权势转移

科考废止,学堂制度植入乡村社会,引发了乡村社会内部权力格局的变动。依据科举制度安身立命或完成上升性社会流动的原既得利益群体,遭遇到不同程度的困厄命运。与此同时,随着学务权在地方行政系统中重要性的日益显著,造成了新的权力资源在国家一社会以及乡村精英内部各派势力之间的重新分配。过渡时代的乡村权力网络、不同群体以兴办学务为契机分别置身其中,分享权力又相互争夺对权力的主导权。他们之间的这种矛盾关系,又并非处在一种简单的“新”、“旧”对立或现代与传统的对立当中。掩映于简单对立之下,实为地方权力资源因地域、时势等条件的差异在不同利益群体间的重新配置。学务场域内权力关系的变动折射出过渡时期乡村社会内部复杂的权力格局。     

皇帝与士大夫共治天下——北宋仁宗亲政后的政治格局及其成因

仁宗亲政后形成了"皇帝与士大夫共治天下"的政治格局,形成这种政治格局的原因包括:祖宗家法的制约,以文治国的政治取向,权力的相互制衡。     

21世纪东北亚政治格局探析

东北亚位于亚洲东北部,主要包括中国、俄罗斯、日本、韩国、朝鲜等国家。美国虽然不是东北亚的国家,但是由于它过多参与东北亚地区事务,因此,东北亚政治格局包含美国在内。21世纪以来,东北亚政治格局呈现出了复杂性。这主要是由于东北亚地区广泛的地缘利益,各大国之间互相竞争以及争夺资源,才使各大国之间产生了这样复杂的关系。探讨东北亚政治格局及其影响因素,不仅对东北亚国家、对整个亚洲都具有重要的战略意义与理论价值。本文基于对东北亚政治格局特征的分析,研究了复杂化政治格局形成的影响因素。     

公信力的概念辨析

公信力研究是信任理论研究的重要内容之一。目前,在研究中存在的问题主要是对基本概念研究不足。从已有的概念来看,主要有“信用”观、“资源”观、“能力”观、“信任”观。这些观点分别从某一侧面揭示了公信力的内涵。综合这些研究,对公信力可以作出这样的定义:公信力是指公共权力领域与公民社会领域中以组织形态存在的行动者(公共机构)及具有“公共性”的抽象存在物(主要包括语言、制度、权力、货币、真理等)因赢得公民的普遍信任而拥有的权威性资源。     

从地缘政治学的定义看地缘政治分析的层次

地缘政治学的定义多种多样,这些定义从不同方面指明了地缘政治分析的层次。综合国内外学者的各种定义,地缘政治的分析应当包括由内到外五个依次递进的层次,最内层涉及地理环境对国际政治的影响,次内层涉及地理环境与国际政治的互动,中间层涉及地理环境与政治的关系,次外层涉及地理环境与人类行为的关系,最外层则涉及环境与人类行为的宽泛关系。从长远看,地缘政治学的内涵会得到拓展,但也要避免概念的泛化。     

人口、治理与政治地理学：生命政治研究综述与展望

在西方，福柯提出的生命政治内涵得到不断发展，近年来对人文地理特别是政治地理的研究起重要推动作用。生命政治为政治地理学者提供了一个全新的视角--通过探讨地理实践中以生命为对象的权力的运行机制，能够更好的解释在地理实践中权力与人的互动关系。本文首先概述了生命政治一词的来源及涵义，并梳理出由真理的权力、治理技术与主体化构成的权力运行框架；进而从生命与权力的不同关系出发，归纳出生命政治的三个分析视角：对生命的照料、对人口生产力的提升以及对赤裸生命的排除；并基于此提出了生命政治在人文地理学中的三个应用主题，分别是人口安全与可计算空间、人口规训与生产空间以及人口排斥与例外空间；最后，从全球和跨国、全国和次国家三个尺度，分别提出生命政治理论在我国政治地理领域的应用展望。     

Russian nuclear energy diplomacy in Finland and Hungary

We compare Russian nuclear energy diplomacy toward Finland and Hungary, where the Russian state corporation Rosatom intends to build nuclear power plants by the 2020s. Russian nuclear energy diplomacy features Rosatom working with other state institutions, its own subsidiaries, and an extensive network of companies and R&D actors to support Russian nuclear power projects abroad. Using the structuration approach, we find three interests driving such diplomacy: energy business and associated profits; modernization of the Russian economy, including the diversification of its export structure; while foreign policy interests are also involved, considering the constraints emerging in EU–Russia energy diplomacy in the oil and gas sectors, including the sanctions since 2014. Some domestic actors in Finland and Hungary make the linkage between nuclear energy and foreign policy as explicit as do some Western commentators. Seeking to pursue these interests, Russian actors must accommodate their considerable assets to the structural constraints they encounter in the target countries. We identify four structural dimensions: the Russian actors are well endowed as regards the resources, technology, and infrastructure dimension; and the dimension of finance, business models, and markets. However, on the institutional dimension, they face a less controllable environment. Regarding the ecological dimension, they must conform to local safety requirements. In both cases, Russian actors were able to strengthen perceptions of joint interests with actors in the target country facilitating the nuclear power plant projects, thereby paving the way for the use of soft power.     

Decision-Making on Transport Infrastructure and Contested Information: A Critical Analysis of Three Approaches

Information is highly contested in virtually all decision-making processes on large infrastructure projects, leading to the delay or cancellation of projects. Contested information has two characteristics: uncertainty and ambiguity. The uncertainty of information refers to the lack of reliable knowledge about the characteristics and future effects of infrastructure projects. The ambiguity of information means that different actors have different (legitimate and valid) perspectives on the characteristics and effects of infrastructure projects. Information is contested if both uncertainty and ambiguity apply. In this paper, we develop a theoretical framework based on different perspectives on rationality and the role ascribed to information in decision-making. We then use this framework to analyse three approaches aiming to deal with the contested nature of information. The analysis shows that none of the approaches can fully deal with the contested nature of information, because no practically feasible approach has yet been developed to effectively address the ambiguity of information. We end with a brief discussion of the possible responses to this finding.     

Harnessing the sending state: Pragmatic improvisations and negotiated memberships of the Chinese diaspora in Laos

As a form of state-led transnationalism, diaspora strategies have garnered much scholarly attention over the past two decades. Yet, the robust intellectual field still sees a dearth of works addressing how the power of the sending state is lived and experienced in the prosaic lives of transnationality. This paper fills the gap by examining the grounded ramifications of a specific approach that the Chinese government deploys to cultivate diaspora. It prioritizes coopting civil association leaders (hui-zhang) from populations abroad for diaspora governance. I unpack how street-level bureaucracies involved in the execution of this sending state strategy has been exploited by the Chinese entrepreneurs in Laos through qualitative fieldwork. My analysis reveals that these situated actors scrambled to set up their own diaspora associations in an attempt to make themselves hui-zhang eligible for the home country government's targeted engagement. In doing so, they accessed opportunities to appropriate and rework resources from the Chinese state for self-interested accumulation of symbolic and social capital. Both forms of capital are crucial to propel their wealth amassment in private career as intermediaries who extract commissions and kickbacks by brokering Chinese investments into Laos. Detailing these dynamics, the paper elucidates how the power of the sending state is disseminated and enacted through mundane and pragmatic improvisations of diasporic actors. Empirics presented also bring forward a nuanced understanding of the de facto convoluted relations between the Chinese government and the overseas Chinese populations.     

Perceptions and Misperceptions of Regime Stability and Iran's Convoluted Rise to Regional Influence

This article seeks to explain revolutionary Iran's convoluted rise to regional prominence over the last three decades. We hold that perceptions and misperceptions of regime stability (both of one's self and of others) by the relevant actors have played a major role in Iran's recent. The main logic is that the success of many strategies employed by relevant regional actors to augment their regional influence (both Iran seeking more influence and others seeking to stem that influence) have crucially hinged on making correct assessments of regime stability. This study has both theoretical and empirical findings. Theoretically, we find that failures to accurately estimate regime stability stem from three main sources: (1) objective uncertainties regarding the target state's level of regime stability, given the high strength of societal forces shaping state‐society relations in the Middle East and given the distinct variation between autocrats in terms of their ability to develop effective counterrevolutionary/repressive tools; (2) ideological blinders, from which both the United States and regional actors frequently suffer, which have often led them to be falsely optimistic regarding the existence of either subversive opportunities or opportunities to stabilize regimes facing domestic pressures; and (3) incorrect theories regarding sources of regime stability which lead experts and policymakers to overlook factors which may destabilize a regime. This article has two major empirical findings. First, Iran's rise may be at least partly attributed to Iran demonstrating a slightly better learning curve at the tactical level (i.e., learning subversive skills from its Lebanese experience in the 1980s–1990s and applying them to Iraq in the 2000s–2010s) as well as at the strategic level (i.e., understanding the limits of its subversive capacities and correctly assessing when it can engage in successful stabilizing operations). Second, two errors committed by the United States have been far more consequential than those committed by Iran for the regional balance of power: First, the George W. Bush Administration myopically opened up subversive opportunities for Iran when it invaded Iraq in 2003 by thinking that it could stabilize a democratic regime and insulate it from outside influence; second, on two occasions Washington overestimated the transformative effect that its concessions to Iran would have in terms of sufficiently empowering reformists so as to bring about complete regime transformation from within.     

The Culture of Agreement Making in Solomon Islands

Current growing interest in mining in Solomon Islands warrants critical reflection on the centrality of natural resources in the post‐colonial formation of state‐society interactions, in particular, as they have been shaped by decades of forestry resources extraction. Since independence in 1978 waves of Malaysian, Taiwanese, Korean, Australian and Japanese investors have developed natural resource extraction projects. Not only have these projects been poorly regulated, they have entwined politicians, leaders and landholders with the state as an economic agent with its own base of economic power. As a result, wealth in Solomon Islands is highly politicised and dependent on the bargaining position of the state and foreign investors (Bennett 1987, 2002). Instead of looking at the failures of the state, as is common in political science approaches to Solomon Islands, we draw on case studies in forestry, mining, and customary land dealings on the island of Malaita and on the Weathercoast of Guadalcanal to highlight the kinds of social networks that enable agreements over the use of natural resources. Challenging common assumptions about the division between state and society, we show that leaders in rural regions of Solomon Islands behave like landlords, that brokers from the communities see themselves as actors equalling the state, and that the state performs like a capitalist actor.     

The co-creation (of) culture? The case of Umeå, European Capital of Culture 2014

Culture is often promoted as crucial in efforts to achieve economic growth and social cohesion. In recent debates, greater attention has been directed at the importance of culture in creating democratic and just cities. Drawing on theories concerning participation, we study the processes of citizen participation in the creation of culture in relation to the European Capital of Culture in Umeå in Northern Sweden. The city has been praised for its focus on participation and the ‘co-creation’ of culture. We scrutinize the idea of co-creation, how it is filled with meaning by different actors, the way it is operationalized by city officials and cultural actors/practitioners and the possibilities for public participation and the power relationships at play in the city. We conclude that culture tends to be depoliticized and turned into an arena available for all on supposedly equal terms and ignores the very unequal terms on which different actors participate. It ignores how power relations affect and construct who gets to speak and be heard; that there are conflicting meanings of culture and co-creation and how power influences whose definition of culture is accepted.     

Elusive Empowerment: Price Information and Disintermediation in Soybean Markets in Malwa,India

Price information provision and disintermediation have often been considered means to empower farmers, since lack of information and multiple intermediaries are seen as major obstacles preventing farmers from obtaining a higher price for their produce. Using the example of soybean in Malwa, central India, which is a cash crop that links farmers to global consumers, this article argues that the very expectation of disintermediation in the soybean supply chain is misleading. India's position in these global networks puts farmers and intermediaries in Malwa in the position of price receivers: they are unable to influence the global price of soybean or manipulate its local price in any way. In this context, providing price information has negligible impact on the final price obtained by farmers. The potential for empowerment has to be understood more broadly, by mapping out the ways in which power is exercised by various actors in the marketplace — one of which is the determination of the quality of a farmer's crop. This article maps such possibilities by examining how norms regarding quality in soybean are created and enforced, and how they are influenced by broader logics that go beyond the soybean marketplace itself.     

The archaeology of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: a review of work 1947-97

The mid- to late tenth century has been seen as a period in which the kings of León saw their ability to project their power throughout their regnum challenged by the emergence of a magnate class increasingly disinclined to co-operate with public authority. This article aims to re-examine this premise via the following approach: first, a discussion of common problems and misconceptions related to notions of public power and government as these terms are used in an early medieval Spanish historiographical context; second, a case study which examines the roles of political actors in one relatively well-documented region of the kingdom. It argues that structures designed to deliver justice and maintain order in the region depended much more on the participation of local actors than they did on the king's official agents; the wider implications for our understanding of public authority are then considered anew.     

Partners Connection Process and Spatial Effects: New Insights from a Comparative Inter-Organizational Partnerships Analysis

This article attempts to give new explanations of the spatial patterns of collaborations focusing on the partners' connection process. Taking into account actors are embedded in an historical, interpersonal and institutional space, we first consider organizations can construct a new collaboration or renew an old one when they decide to build a research project with a partner. Then, going back to the moment when they initially connect with their partners through the analysis of the genesis of collaborations, we assume that they can turn to their interpersonal ties or to coordination resources. This process of connection may influence the spatial dimensions of collaborations regarding notably the literature linking the use of interpersonal ties and the spatial proximity effects observed in innovation activities. We test empirically these theoretical propositions through the collection of individual data about more than 200 histories of inter-company (IC) and science-industry (SI) partnerships. The qualitative and quantitative treatments of these data reveal the way partners connect each other and the spatial patterns of collaborations are significantly dependent on the nature of the partnerships. A strong regularity is nevertheless highlighted: for both partnerships (IC and SI ones), actors renewed prior collaborations in 57% of the total of studied partnerships.     

Front doors to freedom,portal to the past: history at the Ellis Island immigration museum,New York

Heritage sites and museums play a significant role in the production and legitimization of historical knowledges and social identities. The potential for these institutions to act in ways that maintain deep‐rooted inequalities in the relative power of social groups has long been noted by academic commentators. A critique of the role of museums in reproducing ‘official’ histories is now well established. In this paper we explore new ways of conceptualizing and empirically exploring the production and politics of museum histories. By tracing the historical development of museums, we explore the power play between individual actors and institutions involved in production of the museum, and the multi‐vocal histories and landscapes which result from the interaction between these actors. We illustrate these arguments through a case study of Ellis Island Immigration Museum in New York Harbor.