The Administrative Presidency as Supervised Collaboration: The Case of Ocean and Coastal Zone Management

Scholars have paid little attention to the operation and effectiveness of offices, councils, committees, task forces, and the like within the Executive Office of the president. This neglect may be understandable given the opacity within the White House. Yet it is also unfortunate given the popular view of executive centralization as a counterpoise to a fragmented bureaucracy and given that “supervised collaboration” is the primary mechanism through which presidents can seek to coordinate policy implementation. With this in mind, the following study examines attempts to integrate the management of America's oceans and coasts under the past two administrations. Limited progress in this area to date speaks to institutional incentives and constraints that should temper the enthusiasm of those who look to the presidency as a source of administrative coordination. White House initiatives have come only recently and have resulted much more from a desire to shape policy than from concerns about efficiency, per se. Even so, the case of ocean and coastal zone management speaks to the limitations of unilateral presidential action.     

George Bush and Executive Branch Domestic Policymaking Competence

This article critiques the George Bush domestic policymaking process and argues that Bush had the second-lowest level of policy competence among postwar presidents, ranking above only Ronald Reagan. Although not overtly antianalytic like Reagan, Bush gave little thought and effort to restoring the badly damaged executive branch domestic policymaking process. The article closes with suggestions about the steps needed for, and the difficulties in establishing, a strong White House policymaking process that generates fruitful interaction among key policy advocates over time and that establishes sufficient Executive Office of the President (EOP) capacity to monitor the implementation and management of presidential policies.     

The Eisenhower Administration: Bridge to the Institutionalized Legislative Presidency

Eisenhower's contributions to the modern presidency are primarily institutional and to some extent, stylistic: his reliance on the professionalism of civil servants in the Bureau of the Budget, his continuation of the annual programming process as well as the procedures for coordinating the executive branch's legislative role, his creation of a White House office to represent him on Capitol Hill, and his respect for Congress as a legislative body. What Eisenhower did not do is equally significant: he did not reject the model of an activist presidency, reverse the New and Fair Deal policies of his Democratic predecessors, or pursue his centrist agenda in a blatantly partisan manner. The Eisenhower experience demonstrates that incivility, inhumanity, and inanity are not inevitable consequences of divided government.     

Congressional Position Votes in the Truman Administration, 1947–52: A View from the White House

Scholars have routinely overlooked Harry Truman in analyses of presidential position votes in Congress. The principal data source for longitudinal studies of executive-legislative relations, Congressional Quarterly, did not regularly begin compiling presidential position votes until 1953. Yet position votes for the Truman administration do exist. Archival research at the Harry Truman Presidential Library and Museum in Independence, Missouri, revealed that the president commissioned his White House staff to undertake an analysis of position votes spanning the 80th, 81st, and 82nd Congresses (1947–52). This research note analyzes Truman's success rate on this set of domestic and foreign policy votes and provides details on the 83 House and 99 Senate position votes for future use by researchers.     

The Ulster Unionist Party and the U. S. Role in the Northern Ireland Peace Process, 1994–2000

Since the beginning of the "Troubles," Ulster unionists generally have viewed American involvement in Northern Ireland as biased towards nationalists and "unwanted interference" in their internal affairs. Yet despite vehement condemnations, unionists made virtually no attempt to counteract Irish-American perceptions or to explain unionism to U. S. audiences. But from 1994 onwards, mainly in response to the expanding involvement of the Clinton administration in the peace process, the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) launched a sustained effort to engage the White House and get its views across in America. While some of these UUP initiatives got nowhere, others achieved a considerable degree of success, particularly the effort to convey unionist perspectives to the heart of White House policymaking.     

The introduction of multiculturalism in Canada and Australia, 1960s–1970s

This article compares the emergence of a policy of multiculturalism in Canada and Australia between the 1960s and 1970s. It charts the rise of the policy in the two countries through the adoption of a philosophy of multiculturalism as the basis of their national identities. There is a distinction between philosophy and policy: a multicultural policy emerged out of a philosophy of multiculturalism. Furthermore, a philosophy of multiculturalism replaced the ‘new nationalism’ as the foundation of the national identities of both English‐speaking Canada and Australia. The abandonment of the White Canada and White Australia policies and the adoption of non‐discriminatory immigration policies in both countries were also of importance in the emergence of a policy of multiculturalism. There are many similarities in the Canadian and Australian experiences. However, the major differences are explained by the presence of the French‐Canadians in Canada and the early non‐British migration that Canada received in the late‐nineteenth century compared with Australia.     

Growing up Kennedy: the role of medical ailments in the life of JFK, 1920-1957

As a result of the opening of new materials at the John F Kennedy Library relating to John F Kennedy's medical problems, we have a better understanding of the specific nature of those ailments, how they were treated, and how he responded to them. Most important, this study focuses on how his medical problems affected his relationship with his parents, especially his father, in the context of an older sibling who personified what a Kennedy should be: bright, athletic, and healthy. John Kennedy's response to family expectations produced a sometimes rebellious and detached youth who learned to rely on his charm, wit, intellect, and inner toughness to overcome adversity. In the process of dealing with serious medical issues into adulthood, John Kennedy revealed both courage and fortitude-traits that would eventually carry him to the White House.     

The political requisites of an open international economic system: United States balance of payments policies during the 1960s

This paper explores the political context of an increasingly familiar phenomenon: unilateral interference with international trade and payments. The particular case examined is that of US balance of payments policy between 1960 and 1971, during which time the country which had been the world's foremost advocate of an open world economy attempted to separate the US and international capital markets. The policy is explained at two levels: systemic political imperatives to explain the overall structure of policy choices, and domestic bureaucratic politics to explain the changing sources and objectives of policy. The Bretton Woods system linked US political power to the international monetary system in such a way as to leave the US no choices but those of capital export controls or the destruction of the entire system, as the US balance of payments moved into deficit. The domestic policy process reacting to these international strains followed a pattern of progressive politicisation, which lifted the issue out of the hands of the Treasury and into the White House. Finally, it is suggested that an examination of the political structures which led to restrictive policies in the monetary sphere may shed some light on the current trends toward protectionism in the trade area.     

Informal strategies of unemployment relief in Greek cities: The relevance of family,locality and housing

Unemployment in Greece hit the cities following the deindustrialization process of the 1970s. Despite governmental centralization, a thin institutional apparatus shifted the emphasis for unemployment relief and social integration to local agents and the family. This, along with difficulties of measuring a large hidden economy, makes the analysis of national trends and policies inadequate for understanding structural aspects. Case studies of two poor localities on the periphery of Athens (Perama) and Salonica (Sykies) reveal the importance of housing and urban renewal initiatives besides employment‐, skill‐ and production‐oriented policies. Housing (usually self‐built and often illegal) is crucial in the production circuit (as well as reproduction). It is related to both family strategies for unemployment relief, based on the home, and with the informal economy. The house and community infrastructure become forces of production in areas where putting‐out, subcontracting and home‐working are prevalent. The neglect of the housing sector in European social policy is therefore criticized here.     

Renewing the War on prostitution: The spectres of 'trafficking' and 'slavery'

The 1990s saw government initiatives restricting immigration in many countries, and a good deal of popular unease. Associated policies have targeted sex workers, as with the Policing and Crime Bill that is currently in its Third Reading in the House of Commons (UK). In the name of 'victims' of a trade organised by 'evil' traffickers, this Bill seeks further sanctions against all of those involved. This editorial asks whether initiatives during the current recession might not seem to succeed but for the wrong reasons. Immigrants are already leaving the UK in search of a living while local workers, who were promised safer working conditions in the wake of the murder of five women in Ipswich (2006), will be punished more and more. With its apparently humanitarian efforts to 'stop the traffic', the UK government will turn out to have replaced our 'slaves' from abroad with home-grown substitutes, and effectively solidified and further excluded an underclass. This situation suggests striking parallels with the panic over white slavery during the last comparable period of globalisation culminating in the First World War.     

Rural Opportunities: Minimalist Policy and Community-Based Experimentation

Rural America's experiences with federal policies provide lessons on both the benefits and liabilities of minimalist policy attention and community-based policy experimentation. Prior to the New Deal federal rural policies promoted incentives to settle vast territories, subsidize private development of internal market structures, and invest in the benefits of higher education. The New Deal redirected rural policies to more narrow foci on the farm economic and environmental crises. These new, more centralized policies were built upon the rapid expansion of the Department of Agriculture into the first modern federal bureaucracy, politically legitimized on the basis of community-based policy experimentation. The seemingly unintended consequence of these emergency efforts to rescue farming was the marginalization of most non-farm policy concerns. The resulting minimalist federal approach to rural America was due to the absence of a unified national constituency for rural concerns. Understanding rural America's inadvertent experimentation in minimalist policy attention and in community-based policy structures can inform current policy initiatives to decentralize federal authority.     

George W. Bush's City on a Hill

This paper explores the various and sometimes contradictory meanings of the metaphor of A City on a Hill, with an emphasis on how such an investigation can contribute to an understanding of the foreign policy of George W. Bush, especially in terms of the War on Terrorism in general and the war in Iraq in particular. The strands within the metaphor include religious, political, economic, and technological dimensions which too often exacerbate the confusions about national self-image many Americans have about our role in the world and about what has been called the right-wing Wilsonianism of the Bush White House. Greater clarity about the role of this metaphor in our history might help in minimizing what can fittingly be called the law of unintended consequences.     

FAMILY IMPACT ANALYSIS: CONCEPTS AND METHODOLOGIES*

A brief introduction to the background, current concerns, and methodologies of Family Impact Analysis is presented. The concept of Family Impact Analysis will be delineated by a discussion of the background of Family Impact Analysis, its particular timeliness now, the relationship of Family Impact Analysis to other policy or program analyses, the nature of potential policy impacts on families, and different research strategies appropriate for Family Impact Analysis. The basic elements of a step-by-step methodology for engaging in family impact analysis is briefly outlined. These steps include: 1) identification of the policy for analysis; 2) identification of family impacts of concern; 3) specification of the relationship between policy components and hypothesized family impacts; 4) design and implementation of the research; 5) analysis of findings; and 6) evaluation of and presentation of findings. The current state of the art regarding family impact analysis as a methodology will be reviewed, and recommendations for further development and utilization of this methodology will be offered.     

Washington's Response to the AIDS Epidemic: The Ryan White CARE Act

Passage of the Ryan White Comprehensive AIDS Resources Emergency (CARE) Act of 1990 followed a form familiar to students of policymaking in the American intergovernmental system: the provision of significant federal financing for policy initiatives located primarily at the state and local levels. The successes and failures of the Act, including its 1996 reauthorization, suggest both the strengths and the limitations of that design. This paper examines the structure of the Act as a vehicle for the federal government to fund AIDS service delivery at the state and local levels and the intergovernmental consequences of allocation policies associated with the Act. It concludes that perennial problems of equity and access cannot be resolved by the delegation of responsibility for significant policy or funding decisions to localities; rather, questions about the role of the federal government in overcoming intralocal and interlocal disparities remain to be addressed.     

‘A Sordid Tussle on the Strand’: Rhodesia House during the UDI Rebellion (1965–80)

Under the 1961 constitution, Rhodesia floated in a constitutional netherworld somewhere between a dominion and a colony. As Rhodesia's primary institutional link to the mother country, it was in the struggles over the status of their High Commission, Rhodesia House, that larger constitutional issues would be contested in microcosm. After UDI, Britain's awkward and unpopular policies towards the illegal regime in Africa were reflected in its policies regarding the London building and its occupants. The regime viewed Rhodesia House as a vital link to the outside world and sought to use it as a base from which to break out of its international isolation. The British shut down Rhodesia House in 1969, but its symbolic importance did not go away and it remained an important protest venue for demonstrators of all stripes. This article explores the significance of Rhodesia House during the fifteen-year rebellion and analyses what the controversies that swirled around the building say about the British imperial constitutional structure, the illegal regime's foreign policy goals and Britain's policy towards Rhodesia during this long and bizarre rebellion.     

Inside or Outside? The Politics of Family and Medical Leave

The efforts of interest groups to pass family and medical leave policies are illustrative of a dilemma confronting advocates of policy innovation. Faced with strong opposition from business lobbies and in many cases reluctant legislatures and veto-wielding executives, proponents of family and medical leave had to balance their desire to pass the policy they wanted against their desire to pass a policy. This study examines the family and medical leave policy process at the federal level and in three illustrative states. The study finds that coalitions of "insiders" are more likely to get family and medical leave policies enacted both because they have more political clout and because they are more likely to propose moderate bills and to be willing to compromise. However, the policies enacted by the insider coalitions generally cover barely half the population and are unpaid. This lends credibility to the arguments of members of "outsider" groups that there is a value in proposing more wide-ranging policies.     

再说贵州麻江高枧夏家入黔史及夏同龢状元

高枧夏家入黔距今有620年;夏同钚的祖父是五岁丧父由母教养的独儿;夏同样出生官宦之家,随父异地为官,生在云南、长在四川,由广东起步,前往北京参加顺天府乡试中举。1898年中状元后,即授修撰。1899年与丘逢甲成立纪念文天祥的寿忠社。1904年前往日本法政大学入法政速成科学习法政,同学有胡汉民、汪精卫、沈钧儒等。传世的著作主要是编辑《行政法》。回国后1906年出任广东法政学堂监督（校长）,学生有陈炯明、邹鲁等,教员有松山丰造、朱执信、陈融等。民国后为众议院议员,宪法起草委员会委员。     

Bush,Obama and a faith‐based US foreign policy

In a calculated move to appeal to his core constituency during his first term, President George W. Bush launched domestic and international faith‐based initiatives designed to leverage public finance for religious groupings to carry out social and welfare functions formerly performed by government or secular organizations. In December 2002 the Center for Faith‐Based and Community Initiatives (CFBCI) was extended to the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The Center's intention was to ‘create a level playing field’ for faith‐based and community groups to compete for foreign assistance funding. These presidential initiatives are problematic, however, calling into question the first amendment—the separation of church and state. Upon taking office Barack Obama set up the Office of Faith‐based and Neighborhood Partnerships, promising a greater emphasis on community/neighbourhood programs. The CFBCI remains a fixture in USAID and Obama shows as much enthusiasm for the initiative as his predecessor. Faith‐based international relations and political science scholars have sought to build on these initiatives and call for a greater role for faith in US foreign policy. On the eve of the 2012 presidential election, this article considers the claims for a faith‐based foreign policy by examining the construction of a faith‐based discourse by academics and successive presidents. Using faith‐based initiatives and USAID as a case–study, the article discusses criticisms of the policy and focuses on the role of a conservative evangelical organization, Samaritan's Purse, to illustrate the advantages and disadvantages of faith‐based approaches. The article argues that advocates of faith‐based foreign policy, in seeking special privileges for ecumenical religious actors, overlook their declining international significance and the opportunities afforded to less tolerant but more populist religious actors which have the potential seriously to harm US foreign policy objectives.     

Pragmatism or what? The future of US foreign policy

This article discusses the intellectual sources of the presidential candidates' foreign policies. In the case of Barack Obama, the article examines the formation of his worldview, his intellectual inspirations, his most significant foreign policy appointments and the diplomatic course he has pursued as president. Mitt Romney's foreign policy views are harder to identify with certainty, but his business and political career—as well as the identity and dispositions of his advisory team—all provide important clues as to the policies he will pursue if elected in November 2012. The article finds much common ground between the two candidates; both are results‐driven pragmatists, attuned to nuance and complexity, who nonetheless believe—in agreement with Robert Kagan—that US geostrategic primacy will continue through the span of the twenty‐first century. The gulf between the candidates on domestic policy is vast, but on foreign policy—Romney's bellicose statements through the Republican primaries served a purpose that has passed—there is little between them.