林文庆父子在医药上的贡献

新加坡林文庆博士的事迹,已有专文专传介绍,如洪炜堂的《林文庆博士》、陈育崧的《林文庆降》、凛然的《清季新马华人的民族主义运动》、凌云的《清季新加坡华人社会的尊孔运动》、凌云的《十九世纪新加坡华人杜会改良运动》、凌云的《鲁迅与厦大校长林文庆的冲突》、麦冬的《从香港脚     

从文化殖民的视角重读新加坡海峡华人的失根与寻根

论文从文化殖民的视角分析了新加坡海峡华人的失根、寻根与保根的文化现象,并对海峡华人知识分子掀起的以传统文化为基础的现代化改革运动进行了回顾和解读。这一段从"西化"至"再华化"、从"文化殖民"至"去文化殖民"的经历,跟新加坡独立后的西化发展,以及20、21世纪之交的华族语言文化复兴运动有许多相似之处。海峡华人知识分子复兴传统的努力自有其积极意义。他们致力推广华语和复兴儒学之举,例如提倡女权女学思想、创建女校,其贡献是深远的。     

新加坡学者李元瑾对林文庆思想研究的观点概述

新加坡学者李元瑾对林文庆思想研究的观点概述张学惠林文庆（１８６９—１９５７）是十九世纪末二十世纪初新加坡著名的华人知识分子。他出生于新加坡,其祖父来自中国福建省的海澄县。在海外华人知识分子的杰出群体中,林文庆的一生极具传奇和代表性。在青少年时期,林文...     

印尼实行强制同化华人政策的原因探析

文章认为，印尼政府在20世纪后半期对华人实施了长达近半个世纪的强制同化政策，是由多种因素造成的，其历史根源是荷兰等国的殖民政策造成了华人与土著民族之间的隔阂，土著民族民族主义的兴起和发展以及对华人的排斥是实行这一政策的最根本的原因，华人民族主义的勃兴也在一定程度上促成了该政策的实施。     

英国华侨社团的历史演变与当代华人社会的转型

历史上英国华侨社团是维系当地华人社会的支柱。巴黎和会、华盛顿会议前后, 受列强出卖中国利益的冲击, 英国华侨在民族主义风潮的影响下掀起了组建社团的高潮。抗日战争中, 华侨社团也积极支持了祖国的抗日运动。二战后, 土生华人的成长及香港新界移民改变了旅英华人的构成, 传统宗亲会、同乡会得以复苏, 同时出现了专业性社团、跨国性社团联合及华人社区中心。在当今英国政府的多元文化政策下, 部分华人社团获得新的发展空间, 部分社团却随着第二代华人的本土化而面临着衰落。     

冷战后华人移民的跨国民族主义——以美国华人社会为例

冷战后,跨国主义、民族主义方兴未艾,而国际移民,特别是发展中国家的跨国移民及其民族主义倾向与表现正在成为移民研究的一个新视点。本文以美国华人社会为例,运用跨国主义的分析视角,探讨冷战后华人民族主义掀起的背景、主体、特征、局限与前景,从而说明海外华人民族主义的群体征象之于中国与居住国的双重影响和多种意义。     

梁启超华侨言论思想研究——华侨大学华侨华人学院2010级专门史毕鹏帅

梁启超可以说是清末民初报道和关注华侨华人(包括留学生)问题的主要学者,他对清末民初华侨华人的重视和研究功不可没。他利用所办的《新民丛报》尽量报道海外侨胞的有关信息,对华侨所在各国的苛例进行揭露和评价,同时还对北美等地的华侨情况进行了调查研究。他的热心既与一个关心中国国势和国民的近代知识分子先驱的敏锐观察力有关,同时也是在与西方列强碰撞的过程中中国近代知识分子中民族主义意识逐渐形成的表现。"华侨殖民论"是这种民族主义意识的典型。     

边界维持理论视野下印尼华人族群性的变迁分析

论文利用巴斯的族群边界维持理论分析了华人族群性的多个层面,并从原生性华人族群性、宗教信仰与价值观念、语言和风俗习惯、民族主义等方面,考察了印尼华人不同层面族群性的历史变迁。在此基础上,对影响印尼华人族群性的行为体进行了分析探讨。认为21世纪后,印尼华人族群性的复苏,不仅是华人被压抑的族群认同的外在表现,更是华人追求享有与其他族群平等权利的重要体现。这种"再华化",与20世纪初以中国为中心、视中国为自己归属的"再华化"有本质区别。现在大多数印尼华人都已加入印尼国籍或出生于当地,在政治上认同印尼。华人文化的复苏和华人意识的觉醒,是为了凸显华人与其他族群的边界,表明华人族群在政治、经济、社会等领域的诉求。其出发点是为了更好地在印尼生存发展,而不是以中国为中心的"再华化"。     

民族主义与现代化:伍连德对收回海港检疫权的混合论述

论文分析梳理了伍连德对1930年7月1日全国海港检疫管理处收回海港检疫权问题的双面论述。在面对华人时,他习惯用汉语并以"外人干涉"、"争主权"和"雪耻"等宣称来证明中国收回检疫权的合法性;而面对西方用英语表述时,他绝口不提民族主义口号,而转用"现代的"(up-to-date)一词来论证中国海港检疫自办的专业性,并从对抗性立场转为合作立场。伍连德的这种双重话语系统向我们展示了中国现代性建构的混合性,即对于民族主义保国和西化强国的双重诉求。     

具有中国血统者就是华人吗？——美国赫蒙人之案例分析

论文就中美两国对赫蒙人截然不同的族群界定与依据、赫蒙人在美国的生存适应与族群认同的状况进行了研究。对于20世纪中叶沦为难民后,陆续辗转移居美国的老挝赫蒙人,中国学者将其视为少数民族华人,美国官方却将其确定为与华裔、韩裔等少数族裔并列的独立族裔类别。美国赫蒙人虽然在血统的意义上可归属于具有中国血统的人,但其几乎不存在华人归属意识,也极少与中国发生社会联系。许多海外华人或海外具有中国血统的人将会随着时间的推移而逐渐失去华人认同意识,并与中国社会浙行渐远。因此建议依据中国血统、中国传统文化的保持、主观认同为华人、与中国社会的联系等“华人性”的几个维度去理解和定义“海外华人”。     

The return of economic nationalism to East Central Europe: Right‐wing intellectual milieus and anti‐liberal resentment

This article emphasises the non‐economic goals of economic nationalism and in particular its often overlooked political goals. Drawing parallels between economic nationalisms in Central Europe and East Asia, it focuses on Poland and Hungary and asks why did these countries turn to economic nationalism. The article traces this turn to ideational foundations developed by right‐wing intellectuals over the last two decades, arguing that right‐wing intellectuals believed that liberalism has failed what they conceived of its most important (political) purpose, the need of a radical break with the communist past. Based on a study of the writings and careers of leading Polish and Hungarian right‐wing intellectuals, the article draws attention to the nature of the perceived threat to the nation. It contributes to the sociology of nationalism an analysis of how such a threat emerges and translates into a guiding idea of illiberal economic policies.     

Switzerland as a ‘fractured nation’

ABSTRACT. This article deals with Swiss nationalism and Swiss nation‐building. Its main thesis is that Switzerland cannot accurately be described as either a nation or a non‐nation but is something in between, and could thus best be characterised as a ‘fractured’ nation. Switzerland has experienced some powerful nationalist moments, from the creation of the Swiss state in 1848 to the last few decades. Yet this recurrent nationalism among the Swiss, considered alongside their more traditional reluctance to consider themselves a nation, make Switzerland a peculiar object: a ‘fractured’ nation. This flawed process of nation‐building in turn reveals some basic characteristics of all nations – inherent artificiality, and the tremendous efforts undertaken to hide it. Switzerland could be considered an unfinished, incomplete nation, and this is precisely why its study can be interesting for scholars of nations and nationalism.     

20世纪初"非省界"与"筹边建省"思潮合论

20世纪初年，随着民族主义思潮的勃兴，导致在新式知识分子中，同时出现了破除省籍界限的“非省界”和筹备边疆的“筹边建省”的议论。表面看似矛盾对立的两种思潮，实际上却针对传统领土观念的两大障碍——“村落’’思想和“屏藩’’意识，本质上表现出以国家为最高忠诚对象和国家一体化的整体要求，充分体现了民族主义建构作用的一面，也表明清季新式知识分子民族国家观念尤其是领土观念的日趋成熟。     

The contentious politics of nationalism and the anti‐naturalization campaign in Tunisia, 1932–1933

This article asks how, when, and why people came to mobilize en masse in the name of the Tunisian nation against French Protectorate rule. Rather than taking anti‐colonial nationalism as an inevitable response to the imposition of colonial rule, the account offered here insists that it is an outcome to be explained. Building on more recent theoretical directions that stress the processual, relational, and eventful dynamics of nationalism, the article shows that nationalism and nationalist mobilization cannot be attributed simply to the workings of nationalist intellectuals, to long‐standing grievances, or to larger macro‐level transformations. Rather, seeing nationalism as part of struggle and as a domain in which various forms of contentious politics are played out, I show how attention to a particular contentious event in the anti‐naturalization campaign can help us to understand how a certain version of the nation becomes salient as a mobilizing rubric for mass‐level mobilization and how various forms of contention coalesce to produce nationalist outcomes.     

‘Scientific’ nationalism

This paper investigates how the discursive battle for the Flemish nation is waged in the Flemish mass media by politicians of the Flemish nationalist party, the New Flemish Alliance (N‐VA). I focus on the ‘new nationalism’ that N‐VA politicians advocate as a means to ‘banalise’ a hot Flemish nationalism. I establish that N‐VA spokespeople and especially their chairman Bart De Wever invoke discursive alliances with established scholars such as Anderson, Hroch, Calhoun and Billig. On the one hand, these alliances are used to sell their nationalism as a non‐ideological or non‐discursive project. On the other hand, the analyses of these intellectuals are used as manuals to ‘banalise’ a hot nationalism. The concept of ‘scientific’ nationalism refers to the entextualisation of scientific discourses in order to legitimate and banalise the nationalist project of the party as ‘in line with science’.     

Dreaming as a critical discourse of national belonging: China Dream,American Dream and world dream

This article explores the normative politics of national belonging through an analysis of the ‘China Dream’ and the ‘American Dream’. It traces how politicians and public intellectuals employ such slogans to highlight how national dreams emerge in times of crisis and involve a combination of aspirations and anxieties. It compares parallel rhetorical strategies – ‘patriotic worrying’ in China and the American Jeremiad in the US – to examine how belonging to these two nations involves a nostalgic longing for the past as a model for the future. Debates about the meaning of these national dreams highlight the tension between freedom and equality in the US, between the individual and the collective in China, and between longing for the true nation, and belonging in the actual nation for both countries. It concludes that while this quest for redemption through past models limits opportunities for critical discourse in China, the American Dream still contains much ‘promise’. The China Dream and the American Dream thus are, at the same time, 1) familiar expressions of nationalism and national belonging, and 2) ongoing self/Other coherence‐producing performances that help us to question received notions of nationalism and national belonging.     

The Articulation of National Identity in Early Twentieth-century East Asia: The Intertwining of Discourses of Modernity and Civilisation

Abstract

This article examines the ways in which national identity was articulated by intellectuals in Japan, China and Taiwan in the first half of the twentieth century as a first step to reviewing the standard western-centric and diffusionist account of nationalism. Conventional accounts of nationalism regard nationalism as intrinsically European, rooted in developments such as the Enlightenment and the Westphalian system of states, and consider non-western cases as examples of diffusion from the “centre” to the “periphery”. Even though the discourse of the nation and national identity produced by East Asian intellectuals in the early twentieth century was shaped by social and political theories developed in the West, their frequent use of civilisational referents suggests that they were subjectively engaged with a project of self-definition that drew on their own sources, which undermines diffusionist assumptions. The article briefly examines the discourse of national identity articulated by the Kyoto School of philosophy, Sun Yat-sen and Tsai Pei-huo as the first step in exploring the possibility of multiple origins of nationalism.     

晚清思想变革的另一面向:《多妻毒》中的澳大利亚华人书写

论文以1909年至1910年间在澳大利亚华文报刊《警东新报》上连载的文言小说《多妻毒》为例,探讨了身处20世纪初的澳大利亚华人知识分子,透过华人书写反映晚清时期澳大利亚华人与当时国内思想界之间的密切联系,以及百年前海外华人的民族认同、文化自信与思想局限。他们不仅关心个体的悲惨遭遇与艰辛生活,更关注国家衰弱与国民意识落后;不仅抒发了晚清海外华人身为儒学之士的家国情怀,更在风起云涌的改革思潮中引发批判还是传承传统文化的辩证思考。在进一步探究海外知识分子启蒙底层华人思想以及自身思想革新的基础上,观照海外华人与国内晚清思想界的殊途同归。