INDIAN RESOURCES AND THE NATIONAL ECONOMY: BUSINESS CYCLES AND POLICY CYCLES

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空间不匹配带来城市收缩的三重逻辑——制度空间位移、政策空间悖论与行为空间失衡

自改革开放以来，持续了近40年的飞速发展和规模扩张，我国的城市发展步入了“后城市化”时代。“快速扩张下”的城市收缩现象越来越引起理论和实务层面的关注，其中空间层面的资源不匹配和不协调是带来城市收缩的重要原因。基于“空间—行为”互动理论，尝试从“制度—政策—行为”层面的空间不匹配，解释城市收缩的逻辑归因。其中，制度空间通过“经济体制转型”和“社会结构变迁”，带来收缩城市在空间和社会上的两极分化；政策空间基于政治体制、社会政策带来城市发展的不平衡；行为空间嵌入个体、群体、家庭行为中，通过职住分离、就业环境等带来个体“空间—行为”的不匹配。最后，提出深化经济制度改革，促进收缩型城市再“更新”、关照区域政策平衡，扩大收缩型城市的公共服务供给、坚持“以人为本”，让城市成为“人”的“家”等治理导向与政策尝试。     

THE FRONTIER REMIX

In The Deaths of Hintsa: Postapartheid South Africa and the Shape of Recurring Pasts, Premesh Lalu claims to offer a critique of apartheid's colonial past. Emblematic of this colonial past is the 1835 killing and mutilation of the Xhosa king Hintsa. Lalu uses this violent event to argue against the evidence provided by the colonial archives. He argues that the killing of Hintsa was not an empirical fact but a product of the colonial imagination. The review argues that although the critique of apartheid's colonial past is timely, the book is not about Hintsa and does not therefore offer an alternative narrative of the death of the Xhosa king.     

NATIONAL INDUSTRIAL POLICY AND ECONOMICALLY DISTRESSED COMMUNITIES

Industrial policy refers to deliberate government actions to affect the growth or decline of firms or industries for the sake of aggregate national prosperity and international competitiveness. This paper presents empirical evidence that policies designed to promote these objectives would be targeted differently from those designed to promote development of economically-distressed regions and communities. Facing multiple objectives, it is difficult for the public sector to pursue industrial growth directly as effectively as can private entrepreneurs. However, government aid to economically-distressed locales and dislocated workers and firms may indirectly support national industrial policy goals.     

SOCIAL COST MINIMIZATION: A NATIONAL POLICY APPROACH TO THE PROBLEMS OF DISTRESSED ECONOMIC REGIONS*

This paper makes a distinction between output maximizing and cost minimizing approaches to national economic policy. The paper argues that because the benefits of economic activity and its cost are frequently conferred upon distinct groups in society, it is not automatically true that output maximization is the best strategy, as is presently assumed. This result is especially true when the problems of distressed economic regions are the focus of our concern. The national and multi-national firms which make decisions pertaining to the economic life of local communities make those decisions not on the basis of the costs and benefits to the community, but with regard to their private balance sheet. As a result, it frequently happens that communities of individuals must bear social costs far in excess of the private gains to the firms in question. From a policy standpoint, this is not an efficient use of our social and economic resources. In the absence of any type of comprehensive economic planning a rational market-oriented economic strategy would be one which seeks to minimize social costs.     

RURAL AND REGIONAL RESTRUCTURING OF APARTHEID: IDEOLOGY, DEVELOPMENT POLICY AND THE COMPETITION FOR SPACE

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城乡结合部流动人口聚居区的空间生产——以广州市瑞宝村为例

空间的生产理论是当前解释中国城市空间开发现象的重要理论工具,也是目前学术界相关研究的热点。中国对于空间生产理论的研究当前主要着眼于宏观的制度、资本等要素,而本文以广州市瑞宝村为例,探讨了由流动人口推动的城乡结合部"弱"空间生产过程。研究发现,城乡结合部流动人口聚居区的空间生产是流动人口在当前的户籍、土地、政府监管与城市更新制度之下,通过积极的区位选择、社会网络关系带动实现了对空间的占据、巩固和空间的持续占有,其空间生产的结果是形成一个以流动人口为主体、以社会网络关系维系的稳定、孤立的同质生产社区。在当前的制度体制之下,此类社区并非个例,而对此类社区的管治,需要从一个更为综合的社会-空间视角进行考量。     

POLICY COMMUNITIES: THE BRITISH AND EUROPEAN POLICY STYLE

It seems possible to formulate broad characterizations of the British and European policy processes in terms of the relationship between government and interest groups. There is a preferred type of machinery in Britain, reflecting normative values, which is to avoid electoral politics and public conflict in order to reach consensus or “accommodation” in the labyrinth of consultative machinery. This style is aptly labelled “bureaucratic accommodation” and is a system in which the dominant actors are groups and government departments. Departments readily recognize the “relevant” groups in a given policy area and seek to mobilize the community around agreed policies. The predilection for the avoidance of conflict seems equally apparent in other Western European nations.     

MILITARY ASSISTANCE,FOREIGN POLICY,AND NATIONAL SECURITY

From the inauguration of the Mutual Defense Assistance Program (MDAP) in 1950, until its termination in the early 1960s, Norway was among the main European beneficiaries of military assistance from the United States. Previous research on this subject has mainly seen the MDAP from the perspective of the recipient, analysing what effect the influx of large amounts of equipment had for the shape and development of the Norwegian Armed Forces. This article discusses the motives for US military assistance to Norway, and analyses this activity as an expression of US Cold War objectives concerning Norway and NATO’s northern flank. The article also explores how these objectives influenced policy making relevant to military assistance, and gives particular attention to the role of US representatives in Oslo. These actors played an important role in highlighting the political and strategic benefits of extensive aid to Norway.     

THE SOURCES OF PUBLIC POLICY: WELFARE POLICY IN THE AMERICAN STATES

The conceptualization of political and economic determinants of public policy as interactive rather than sufficient causes is subjected here to a comparative state analysis. An examination of interactive effects of culture, wealth, and gubernatorial power on AFDC grants and Medicaid benefits offers empirical illustration of Stonecash's reconceptualization of the classic politics-process-policy model. The results indicate that political dispositions become more potent in combination with increasing concentrations of wealth and executive power.     

FORGOTTEN COLONIZERS: THE IMPERIAL ORDER DAUGHTERS OF THE EMPIRE (IODE) AND THE CANADIAN NORTH

Focusing on the work of a Canadian women's voluntary organization, this paper discusses the changing geography of the Canadian North in the period following World War II. The focus on the Imperial Order Daughters of the Empire (IODE) as forgotten colonizers challenges exclusionary records of the past that do not account for the importance of domestic spaces in the colonial process. A new interpretation of the colonization of the North, which dislodges and complicates the process to reveal the connections, tensions, and ironies between national and imperial identities, is simultaneously offered. The spaces from which the IODE has worked to make the North a part of Canada have had everything to do with its shifting and contradictory place as a group of Anglo-Celtic, affluent, voluntary women.
Concentré sur les travaux d'une organisation volontaire de canadiennes, cet article porte sur la géographie changeante du nord du Canada pendant l'époque suivant la deuxième guerre mondiale. En présentant 'the Imperial Order Daughters of the Empire' (IODE) comme colons oubliés, l'article remet en cause les documents historiques exclusifs qui passent sous silence l'importance des places domestiques dans le marche colonial, tout en offrant une nouvelle interprétation de la colonisation du nord qui reformule et complexifie le processus et montre les liens, les tensions et les ironies entre les identités nationales et impériales. Les membres de l'IODE ont travaillé fort pour faire du Nord une partie du Canada, et les membres de l'IODE ont été liées de près a la position changeante et contradictoire du Nord même si elles faisaient partie d'un groupe de Canadiennes Anglo-Celtique, riche et volontaire.