20世纪70年代初台湾当局对美“外交”与联合国中国代表权问题

1971年第26届联合国大会前一年内,在尼克松政府的要求和现实的压力下,台湾当局在联合国中国代表权问题上不断让步,但最终还是没能保住其在联合国的席位。在决策过程中,蒋介石表面上不断展示强硬立场,实质上却并非如此。他手下的高级"外交官"们为保住台湾当局在联合国的席位而倾向于妥协,但在威权体制下难于向蒋介石进言。     

商代的楚蛮与西周初年的楚国

传说时代,江汉地区的古代居民为古三苗,三苗灭亡后,其遗裔在商周时代形成了楚蛮部族。商代楚蛮分布在以丹江库区为核心的鄂豫陕交界地区和汉东地区。西周初年,熊绎受封立国于楚蛮之地,汉东地区与楚国初封无关,则西周初年的楚国当在丹江地区,与丹淅说相合。     

聚落·城址·部落·古国--张学海谈海岱考古与中国文明起源

2002年9月15日,笔者利用赴山东参加第三届全国环境考古学大会之际,就当前中国考古学的若干热点问题如史前城址、文明起源、苏秉琦先生的考古学遗产、省级考古所的性质与任务等,对前山东省文物考古研究所所长张学海先生进行了一整天的访谈.本文是据访谈内容和张先生提供的一些书面资料综合而成.(提问部分以楷体标出)     

Dealing with Tribes and States in Ancient Palestine

This paper offers a critique on state formation theories used in the explanation of the rise of the biblical United Monarchy. The last three decades of archaeological and biblical research have shown that there is no firm evidence for speaking of a kingdom or empire of David and Solomon in ancient Palestine. Thus what is proposed here is to evaluate the archaeological record through the data provided by the ethnological record of the Middle East, keeping the biblical stories apart from this interpretation. The analysis of the dynamics and structure of Middle Eastern “tribal states” and “chiefdom societies”, including here the practice of patronage bonds, gives us important keys for understanding Palestine's societies. The historical perspective that appears then is one different from the Bible's stories and from modern ideas such as “states” and “nations”, offering us instead a better methodology for reconstructing ancient Palestine's historical past.     

Gender,Nations and States in a Global Era

Abstract. Nations and national projects are gendered in different ways. Feminist theory has raised important questions about the conceptualisation of ‘difference’. This article develops the conceptualisation of the different ways in which nations and national projects are gendered, arguing for a mid‐level conceptualisation of gender relations. It argues against, on the one hand, the excessive fragmentation of gender, and on the other, too simple dichotomies of mordless unequal gender relations. This draws on a theorisation of gender relations which connects the different dimensions into specific kinds of gender regimes, either public or domestic gender regimes. This enables us to conceptualise different national projects as having a more or less public or domestic gender project. The conflicts between different national projects and with other polities, such as states, are then conflicts between differently gendered projects. The usefulness of this mid‐level conceptualisation is demonstrated through examples of the competing relations between the UK, Ireland, the EU and the Catholic Church in a global era.     

国民政府时期私立学校述论

南京国民政府制定了一系列关于管理私立学校的政策与措施,在基本原则、董事会管理机制、开办与立案、停办事宜等方面都做出了明确规定,从而促进了私立小学、中等学校、高等学校等各级私立学校的迅速发展。私立学校在其发展过程中呈现出随着时局的变化而增减、分布地区不平衡、办学经费较之公立学校尤为困难等特点。其迅速发展的主要原因在于:政府对教育重视的推动;自身的办学特色;国家整体经济发展的物质保障和民族工商业发展的有力支持;海外华侨投资的推动;等等。国民政府时期私立学校的发展,对于我们今天有着重要的的历史启迪。     

准噶尔汗国时期卫拉特蒙古诸部联姻述论

准噶尔汗国时期的卫拉特蒙古诸部联姻是卫拉特历史和诸部关系史上重要一章,对清朝统一多民族国家进程具有深远影响.本文利用汉、蒙、藏文资料,特别是我国尚未翻译出版的俄文档案资料,通过梳理联姻史实,归纳联姻特点,进而指出诸部联姻在加强土尔扈特和祖国联系及维护多民族国家统一具有重要历史作用.     

“道义外交”与国民政府对日外交策略

1934年底开始被中、日两国政府提倡,而在1935年上半年盛行一时的中日“亲善外交”(或称“道义外交”),在当时即扑朔迷离。此后研究大多对其持否定态度。本从外交策略的角度,阐述了国民政府在“道义外交”实施前所面临的外交困境以及国民政府为改变中日外交状况而实施“道义外交”的策略思路;对日本外务部门和关东军对“道义外交”的不同回应也进行了分析;对国民政府由于“道义外交”开展而面临日本军部和外务省两方面压力的状况作了描述。指出,从外交策略上看,不能排除它是国民政府对日外交政策和策略的一种主动积极的调整,而不能将其完全视为本质性的卖国外交政策和策略。但是,它的实施和失败,既使国民政府的外交重新陷于了被动,也使国民政府的民族代表性遭到质疑。     

日本泉屋博古馆所见先秦私文书(三)--春秋战国青铜私文书的衰落

日本泉屋博古馆展藏的春秋战国青铜铭文器明显少于西周,从著录的全文集里看,春秋战国的青铜铭文器数、字数及内容,与西周相比也骤然减少。其原因是奴隶制度的代表制如分封制、宗法制、礼制等,到了春秋战国时期逐步走向衰落,家庭或家族的铸器铸铭之风,也必然要随其走向衰落,这是青铜私文书衰落的一个原因;另外,代替青铜私文书载体的其他材料如铁、竹木、玉石的大量使用,是青铜私文书衰落的另一个原因。总之,从先秦青铜私文书的发展变化中可以看出,任何一种社会文化的发生与发展都与其政治制度的兴起、鼎盛、衰落有紧密的联系,是社会事物发展变化的必然结果。     

从货币战到有限合作——1933-1936年美英法三国货币外交

20世纪30年代经济大萧条背景下,美英法三国的货币政策特别是汇率政策取决于各国如何权衡国内经济恢复和国际汇率稳定.1931年英镑贬值、1933年美元贬值都是美英当局把货币贬值作为刺激总需求和出口的主要手段.金本位制的崩溃和英镑、美元的相继贬值使国际金融和贸易体系处于分割和对立的状态.美国对国内经济恢复的重视、英国对自治领的义务、法国对金本位的固执导致1933年三方货币合作会谈的失败.不过,随着英美两国经济的恢复,特别是希特勒德国加紧重新武装所造成的欧洲紧张局势促使美国决策层积极推动美英法三方货币合作.从货币集团分割和竞争性贬值的货币战发展到1936年9月后三国在汇率政策上的有限合作,这种关系转变不仅是美国决策层思想进展的结果,而且是特定国际形势的产物.因此,1936年的美英法<三方货币稳定协议>具有深刻的政治含义.     

The United States, The United Nations and Iraq: 'Multilateralism of a kind'

Much is made of the need for any second war against Iraq (following Desert Storm of 1991) to be sanctioned by a resolution of the UN Security Council, approved necessarily by all five Permanent Members. Yet only two of the five, the USA and the UK, show any enthusiasm for renewed war in the Persian Gulf; and British policy is undeniably following rather than leading American actions on the diplomatic and military fronts. What are the sources of this American policy? Some critics say oil; the latest arguments of proponents invoke humanitarian concerns; somewhere between the two are those who desire ‘regime change’ to create the economic and political conditions in which so‐called western political, economic and social values can flourish. To understand the present crisis and its likely evolution this article examines American relations with Iraq in particular, the Persian Gulf more generally and the Middle East as a region since the Second World War. A study of these international relations combined with a critical approach to the history of American actions and attitudes towards the United Nations shows that the United States continues to pursue a diplomacy blending, as occasion suits, the traditional binaries of multilateralism and unilateralism—yet in the new world‐wide ‘war on terrorism’. The question remains whether the chosen means of fighting this war will inevitably lead to a pyrrhic victory for the United States and its ad hoc allies in the looming confrontation with Iraq.