论迪斯累里的“新托利主义”

大众民主意识的崛起是19世纪英国政治发展的新趋势。议会改革和宪章运动的展开标志着贵族精英政治逐渐向大众政治演变。传统的保守主义受到剧烈冲击。保守党领袖迪斯累里将传统融入现实,形成了富有弹性的"新托利主义"。保守主义、集体主义和所谓爱国主义成为新托利主义的主要原则;它们不仅为保守党增添新的政党理念,使其渐渐具有现代政党的特征,而且使保守主义在与大众民主意识的融合中超越自由主义。新托利主义的原则与思想在英国政治面向现代的转型中发挥了积极作用。     

民族主义建构中的政治认同——伊拉克复兴党民族主义政治实践个案考察

复兴党统治时期的伊拉克,由于在其特有的政治、宗教、文化环境中存在着许多变量,统治者可以按照其政治利益的需求来界定或重新界定国家的政治认同。萨达姆根据国家利益的需求强调和实行了几种不同的政治认同,即两伊战争期间的阿拉伯民族主义认同、海湾战争期间的伊斯兰主义认同和海湾战争之后的部族主义认同。伊拉克复兴党的多重政治认同在其政权生存中具有特殊的意义,但也有其致命的弱点。     

英国对欧洲大陆怀疑主义根源剖析

欧盟对于英国来说始终是一个困惑。为长远的政治、经济利益计 ,英国必须并且确实加入了欧盟。但加入以后 ,英国却又与欧盟在政治、经济上保持一种若即若离的关系。英国对欧盟持怀疑主义态度 ,并不表明它在根本上反对欧盟 ,而是因为它有着自己的理由和根据。剖析英国对欧怀疑主义的根源 ,有助于加深理解英国与欧盟的关系。     

近代伊斯兰思潮与伊斯兰教的发展

近代伊斯兰世界在内忧外患的情境之下,催生了复古主义、泛伊斯兰主义和伊斯兰现代主义主要的三种社会思潮。他们或要求纯洁宗教,清除一切外来影响,回复到穆罕默德时代的质朴中去,或主张在保留伊斯兰教思想体系的前提下,进行政治、法律、经济和教育制度上的改革。这些思潮促进了伊斯兰教的发展,使官方的伊斯兰教得到加强,改革和复兴成为伊斯兰教的主流,伊斯兰教的社会功能实现了多样化。     

浅析不断发展与成熟的社群主义

20世纪80年代,社群主义提出了要重视社群的价值,它在西方政治哲学界伴随着与新自由主义的争论中逐渐发展并成熟起来。强调公共利益和善的优先性,提倡由自由主义权力政治向社群主义的公益政治转变,反对自由主义所坚持的个人主义,因而其在伦理学、政治学和道德哲学领域产生了深刻的影响。     

浅析不断发展与成熟的社群主义

20世纪80年代,社群主义提出了要重视社群的价值,它在西方政治哲学界伴随着与新自由主义的争论中逐渐发展并成熟起来。强调公共利益和善的优先性,提倡由自由主义权力政治向社群主义的公益政治转变,反对自由主义所坚持的个人主义,因而其在伦理学、政治学和道德哲学领域产生了深刻的影响。     

“凯末尔主义”与“泛突厥主义”关系探析

泛突厥主义是奥斯曼帝国末期产生的重要社会思潮和意识形态。土耳其共和国建立后,民族主义者以凯末尔主义思想作为立国基础,反对泛突厥主义。但是在人员、组织和思想等方面,凯末尔主义仍与泛突厥主义保持了较多联系,客观上为泛突厥主义在土耳其的长期存在提供了方便,并使土耳其的对外政策表现出一定的泛突厥主义特征。凯末尔主义和泛突厥主义之间的内在联系是由民族主义的性质决定的。认清这种联系,有利于加深对凯末尔主义以及当代土耳其内政、外交的了解与认识。     

论土耳其与泛突厥主义

泛突厥主义是近代以来的民族主义政治思潮 ,也是极端的民族主义运动 ,与土耳其有着不解之缘。在长期的的历史演进过程中 ,泛突厥主义与泛伊斯兰主义、宗教极端主义及“东突”势力交织在一起。目前 ,泛突厥主义不仅已沦为极右翼反动思潮 ,而且对许多国家的安全、稳定和生存构成威胁 ,而且毫无任何积极意义可言。如果从其政治和文化两个层面上看 ,前者时起时伏 ,但一次次失败 ;后者经常在“突厥学”的学术包装下 ,不绝于缕。从后者来看 ,泛突厥主义仍将对 2 1世纪的国际政治产生影响。     

世界政治史研究中的威权主义及其历史定位——以拉丁美洲为例

近年来,在世界政治史研究中,威权主义是一个被广泛使用却无统一标准的政治概念。本文以拉丁美洲的威权主义政府为研究对象,论述了威权主义政体产生的社会背景和历史地位,认为威权主义政体一词的使用丰富了国家政治史研究的视野和内涵,使对国家政体形式的认识和定位更加具体和准确。威权政体是介于民主政体和独裁政体之间的、各国在民主制度建立以前经常采取的一种过渡形式,其内涵是通过强制性的政治整合维持秩序和稳定,以达到发展经济、促进社会进步的目的;威权主义同时也应是一个时间概念,它是在近代社会的基础上产生的,可以大体划分为1 9世纪的早期威权政体和2 0世纪以后的现代威权政体。     

美国的冷战意识形态:内容与作用

冷战时期的美国外交政策受到由下列三套相互联系的观念构成的冷战意识形态的深刻影响:建立在自由主义基础上的反共主义和输出民主的理想;从民族主义衍生出来的国家伟大、全球责任和(自由)世界领袖信念;源自种族主义的东方主义偏见和文化等级观念。正是美国的冷战意识形态把美苏冲突建构成自由与极权两种生活方式之间的斗争,使冷战超越单纯的地缘政治争夺变成争夺人心的较量,冷战在某种意义上是美国的意识形态工程。     

Lord Falmouth and the Parallel Political Worlds of Ultra‐Toryism, 1826–32

The parallel political worlds of ultra‐toryism were those of Westminster and the provinces. Hoping to defend the protestant constitution from what they regarded as ruinous attacks, between 1826 and 1832 many ultra‐tories were unrelenting parliamentary opponents of constitutional change. However, far less is understood about their simultaneous involvement in the political world away from Westminster, apart from analysis of the duke of Newcastle's electoral activities and several county studies. This article examines the 1st earl of Falmouth's dogged ideological defence of the protestant constitution, as well as exposing his political pragmatism in Cornwall, thereby highlighting the lengths to which some ultras were prepared to go in pursuing their beliefs. Falmouth also exemplifies those ultras who, from March 1827 when Lord Liverpool resigned, became far more prominent in the struggle against ‘Revolution by due course of law’, beginning with their opposition to Canning becoming prime minister. Furthermore, a study of Falmouth's career between 1826 and 1832 at Westminster and in Cornwall, also highlights several of the ideological tensions within ultra‐toryism at this time.     

Richard Oastler,Toryism, Radicalism and the Limitations of Party,c.1807–46

Richard Oastler (1789–1861), the immensely popular and fiery orator who campaigned for factory reform and for the abolition of the new poor law in the 1830s and 1840s, has been relatively neglected by political historians. Few historians, however, have questioned his toryism. As this article suggests, labelling Oastler an ‘ultra‐tory’ or a ‘church and state tory’ obscures more than it reveals. There were also radical strands in Oastler's ideology. There has been a tendency among Oastler's biographers to treat him as unique. By comparing Oastler with other tories – Sadler, Southey, and the young Disraeli – as well as radicals like Cobbett, this article locates him much more securely among his contemporaries. His range of interests were much broader (and more radical) than the historiographical concentration on factory and poor law reform suggests. While there were periods when Oastler's toryism (or radicalism) was more apparent, one of the most consistent aspects of his political career was a distaste for party politics. Far from being unique or a maverick, Oastler personified the pervasive anti‐party sentiments held by the working classes, which for all the historiographical attention paid to popular radicalism and other non‐party movements still tends to get lost in narratives of the ‘rise of party’.     

Clyve Jones and Parliamentary History

The ‘constitutional revolution’ which occurred in Ireland after 1691 meant that parliamentary management became one of the prime functions of the viceroyalty. Interest focused on the Commons, where supply legislation was drafted. But the upper House, though smaller, less busy, and on the whole more easily managed, could not be ignored, since it could still cause major problems for government. The situation for the incoming ministers in 1714 was problematic, since the Lords had been a tory stronghold, and the ‘Church party’, buttressed by the bishops, remained powerful. The situation was a mirror image of Westminster in 1710, when Robert Harley's tory ministry had to cope with a whig-dominated house of lords. This essay analyses the means by which Lord Lieutenant Sunderland (1714–15), and his successors, Lords Justices Grafton and Galway, brought the Irish upper House under control, constructing a court party with some of the elements which Clyve Jones has identified as having been crucial to Harley's strategy in 1710–14: moderate or non-party men, pensioners and placemen depending on government largess, new episcopal appointments and a block creation of peerages. In Ireland it was the new peers who played the most important part. The whigs were able to make some inroads into the episcopal bench, previously a stronghold of toryism, until the issue of relief for dissenters rekindled anxiety over the maintenance of the ecclesiastical establishment, prefiguring future problems.     

Tory anti-exclusionism in church and state: Richard Thompson of Bristol in 1678–85

This article examines the career of Richard Thompson, briefly dean of Bristol in 1685, as an example of a clergyman of Tory royalist and anti-exclusion principles. Thompson’s public attack on the Popish plot and impugning of the exclusionist cause led to his attempted impeachment by the House of Commons in December 1680. Only the prorogation of parliament in January prevented his impeachment. Nevertheless, Thompson remained a figure strongly associated with the anti-exclusion cause in Bristol. His fractious behaviour brought him to the attention of Archbishop Sancroft on a number of occasions. But this did not prevent his advancement to a prebend and then the deanery of Bristol. His sermon during the Monmouth rebellion is one of the highest expressions of Tory theology. Thompson’s extreme High Tory position therefore also serves to illustrate the spectrum of views within Toryism in the late 1670s and 1680s.     

Tory Travails and Collegiate Confusion: The Oxford University Election of 1722*

In terms of the unreformed franchise operative in the early 18th century, the University of Oxford made up an unusual parliamentary constituency. Here it was the votes of non-resident members that could be decisive to the outcome if the seat was contested. In late Stuart and early Hanoverian Oxford, Tories were almost certain to be returned but, in the general election of 1722, the Tory vote was split between rival candidates offering a possible opening for Oxford Whigs. This essay considers the varieties of electoral behaviour inside the university at this time of exceptional political flux nationally, how the candidates confronted the practical problem of getting ‘outvoters’ into Oxford, and the extent to which the heads of the colleges could rely on a sufficiently stable corporate identity to have their resident members vote in an approved way. The 1722 general election again raised questions as to who exactly was entitled to vote in a university constituancy, how much illegal voting was going on, and whether it was in a candidate's best interests either to connive or draw attention to it. The eventual choices made by the Oxford electorate would signal where the university stood in the wider political picture of the early 1720s, how far it – and the varieties of toryism it contained – was prepared to endorse the legitimacy of the new Hanoverian order.     

Parliament,the Tories and Frederick,Prince of Wales*

The alliance between the tories and Frederick, Prince of Wales has usually appeared at best a passing interlude of opportunism in eighteenth‐century politics, dismissed alike by scholars upholding ‘jacobite’ or ‘Hanoverian’ constructions of the party's identity. This article offers a re‐examination of the relationship, assessing tory actions at Westminster against the larger hinterland of party literature and journalism. It argues that, especially after 1747, the association fronted a much more serious enterprise than is conventionally assumed, highlighting the continued political and ideological independence of the party into the 1750s and shaping the subsequent evolution of its identity. Intellectually, Frederick's image as a ‘Patriot King’ was driven by radical manifestos originating within the jacobite diaspora in Paris. Inside Westminster, his patronage changed the balance of power, bringing the tories to a point of primacy hitherto unmatched over the larger opposition. For four years, the promise of the prince of Wales provided the glue to hold the tory party together; his death threatened to unleash a process of fragmentation. The long‐term legacy of the alliance informed the direction of those who remained tories into the following decade, determining the section of the party that would gain the ascendancy within the reign of George III. By showing how a member of the ruling dynasty could be recast in a favourable and highly partisan political complexion, the pact with Frederick represented a decisive stage in the reinvention of English toryism, and its movement from mid‐century opposition towards rebirth as the loyalist champions of the house of Hanover.     

试论中国传统音乐的美学特征

中国传统音乐审美活动以及音乐美学思想具有三方面的基本特征。一是乐感文化与伦理道德的合一,强调音乐的美与伦理道德的善相统一;二是传统性与开放性的统一,既吸收不同的音乐文化,又统一为一个相对稳定的音乐文化整体;三是以"和"为美的审美意识,遍及儒、道各家,在不同的哲学流派中被赋予不同的意义。     

探赜索隐 钩深致远——论魏晋六朝人物画风的演变

在中国绘画史上,魏晋六朝是中国人物画由汉代粗放简略的画风转向精致工整画风的时期,其内部也因不同时期的审美趣味蕴含了一一个整体性演变过程,显示出人物画风格成熟过程中诸多样式的艺术追求。     

宋代安徽书院述论

宋代安徽地区曾设立书院30所,其中官办的只有4所;创办于北宋时期5所、南宋时期25所。安徽地区书院呈现创办时段不一、分布不均、规模不齐、创办者身份多样、选址多在山林僻静处、教育效果显著等特点。     

战国都城形态的东西差别

东周列国都城形态的演化经历了东西两条道路:东方国家都城在战国时期普遍发展成为“两城制”,体现了“朝、市并重”的格局;秦国都城则保持了“非城郭制”的特点,其大部分面积分布着宫殿区,朝寝有压倒庙、市的趋势。两汉都城形态是秦国“非城郭制”道路的延续和发展。