海外华人跨国主义实践的模式及其差异——基于美国与新加坡的比较分析

论文参考有关跨国主义的理论文献和实证研究,分析了移民个人、移民社会以及民族国家在国际移民进程和跨国活动中所扮演的不同角色,考察了在美国和新加坡的华人新移民及其社团组织与祖籍国之间互动模式的变化。结果显示,由于国际移民的迁移历史以及移居国(地)结构的多重差异,导致了海外华人社会在人口构成和族裔社区建设等方面存在显著差异。个人、社团、祖籍国和移居国实际上并不是单方面地影响着海外华人的跨国活动及其与祖籍国的互动关系,他们的互动关系还受到国家关系和地缘政治等宏观因素的制约。因此,国际移民参与跨国活动的主要目的是为了寻求更好的、更广阔的创业和就业机会,以便提高个人和族群在移居国的社会地位,但其结果因移居国社会的结构因素影响而产生差异。     

Why the United States Does Not Have Responsible Parties

Political philosophy must be pursued phenomenologically. When pursued phenomenologically, political philosophy is in fact proto or first philosophy itself rather than a subsection of philosophy. As first philosophy, political philosophy must be seen as architectonic, the queen of the sciences.     

Before Marbury: Hylton v. United States and the Origins of Judicial Review

Marbury v. Madison, decided in 1803, is famous for being the first case in which the Supreme Court asserted its power of judicial review. The typical American history textbook includes at least a few lines about how the Court, under the "Great Chief Justice," John Marshall, struck down part of the Judiciary Act of 1789 and claimed its authority to stand as the ultimate guardian of the Constitution.     

美国为何归还巴拿马运河 --1977年美巴运河条约评析

经过13年的谈判,美巴于1977年9月7日签署了关于归还运河主权和保持运河永久中立的两项条约。美国政府同意,经过23年过渡期,于1999年12月归还运河区主权,但将永远保有以武力维护运河中立的权力。1977年美巴运河条约改善了美国的国际处境,标志着美国对拉美政策的新阶段,其实质是以放弃对运河的直接占领来换取对运河的永久控制。本文利用美国国会记录等原始资料,探讨了美国为何以间接控制取代对运河的直接占领,分析了美国在这一问题上的战略思考和利弊权衡,有助于理解美国的拉美政策及美国霸权的性质和特点。     

The United States Manuscript Census as a Teaching Aid

Abstract

This article describes a new approach for analyzing data within national historical geographic information system databases that can be used to explore long-term trends in landscape evolution. The methodology is based on clustering together areas with similar demographic characteristics to define urban agglomerations whose territorial extents and populations vary over time. The resulting database can be used in a wide range of ways that allow the empirical study of urban growth and urban sprawl. The article is based on data for England and Wales but given the increasing availability of national historical geographic information system databases for countries around the world, the approach could be replicated for a wide range of different places.     

The United States, The United Nations and Iraq: 'Multilateralism of a kind'

Much is made of the need for any second war against Iraq (following Desert Storm of 1991) to be sanctioned by a resolution of the UN Security Council, approved necessarily by all five Permanent Members. Yet only two of the five, the USA and the UK, show any enthusiasm for renewed war in the Persian Gulf; and British policy is undeniably following rather than leading American actions on the diplomatic and military fronts. What are the sources of this American policy? Some critics say oil; the latest arguments of proponents invoke humanitarian concerns; somewhere between the two are those who desire ‘regime change’ to create the economic and political conditions in which so‐called western political, economic and social values can flourish. To understand the present crisis and its likely evolution this article examines American relations with Iraq in particular, the Persian Gulf more generally and the Middle East as a region since the Second World War. A study of these international relations combined with a critical approach to the history of American actions and attitudes towards the United Nations shows that the United States continues to pursue a diplomacy blending, as occasion suits, the traditional binaries of multilateralism and unilateralism—yet in the new world‐wide ‘war on terrorism’. The question remains whether the chosen means of fighting this war will inevitably lead to a pyrrhic victory for the United States and its ad hoc allies in the looming confrontation with Iraq.     

Recovering a "Lost" Story Using Oral History: The United States Supreme Court's Historic Green v. New Kent County, Virginia, Decision

Abstract In 1965, New Kent County, located just east of Richmond,Virginia, became the setting for the one of the most importantschool desegregation cases since Brown v. Board of Education.Ten years after the U.S. Supreme Court declared "separate butequal" unconstitutional, both public schools in New Kent, theGeorge W. Watkins School for blacks and the New Kent Schoolfor whites, remained segregated. In 1965, however, local blacksand the Virginia State NAACP initiated a legal challenge tosegregated schools, hoping to initiate desegregation where theprocess had yet to begin and to accelerate the process in areaswhere token desegregation was the norm. In 1968, the U.S. SupremeCourt decision in Charles C. Green v. the School Board of NewKent County forced New Kent County and localities across thestate and nation to fulfill the promise of Brown. While thecase has been part of the court records since it was decidedin 1968, it has remained largely unknown to the general publicand many scholars of the era. This article is an attempt touse the tool of oral history to present the people and the storybehind Green v. New Kent County and to add another piece tothe puzzle that was school desegregation in this country.     

美国中西部华人基督教会调查——以科罗拉多州丹佛都会区为例

论文以美国科罗拉多州丹佛都会区的几家华人基督教会为样本,分析了丹佛华人基督教会的历史与现状,教会的人员构成、参加教会活动的原因、教会运作模式及社会功能,反映了科州乃至美国中西部地区华人基督教会的基本情况。研究结果显示,以丹佛为代表的科罗拉多州华人基督教会历史不长,规模普遍较小,组织结构较为简单。教会信众来源广泛,目前以中国大陆为主体,涵盖了两岸三地及东亚、东南亚等地华人。华人基督徒多从事医学、网络信息、矿业、会计和厨师等专业技术工作。尽管参加教会活动的华人出于各种不同的目的,教会发展过程中也遇到了诸多问题,但作为丹佛华人社会的重要组成部分,华人基督教会仍是一个功能强大的社会组织,在团结华人,救助华人弱势群体,特别是在提供精神支持方面,具有无可替代的作用。     

Sub-national cultural policy--where the action is: Mapping state cultural policy in the United States

Abstract

This paper argues that cultural policy analysts should turn their analytical attention towards the cultural policies of sub-national levels of government. State level cultural policy has become an increasingly important locus of interest for those who are concerned with the health and stability of the arts, culture, and humanities in American life, and the same is undoubtedly true elsewhere. This rise in the importance of cultural policy at the state level has not been accompanied by a similarly evolving understanding of the cultural policy system that has developed at this sub-national level. Cultural policy at the level of an American state has been the sum total of the more or less independent, uncoordinated activities of a variety of state agencies and allied organizations and institutions. This paper lays out a number of hypotheses concerning what we might be likely to find in such an inquiry and reports some preliminary findings from a cultural policy mapping project in the State of Washington.