意大利城邦国家体系的特征及其影响

意大利城邦国家体系作为近代欧洲国际体系的重要来源,一是为欧洲民族国家提供了独立国家间的相互关系模式;二是为它们的联系提供了活动的舞台。１４９４年爆发的意大利战争,使得正在兴起的欧洲民族国家中的佼佼者法国、西班牙、奥地利等通过干涉意大利事务走到一起,而...     

1911年的世界

1911年9月,奥斯曼土耳其人正忙于对付也门叛乱,意大利开始入侵利比亚,打算夺取北非这块尚未被欧洲人染指的地盘。战争才开始几周,意大利就控制了几个关键的沿海城市。意大利飞行员从敞开的座舱向下扔手榴弹,军事史家指出,这是人类历史上第一次飞机轰炸。这一战术当时就引起了各国敏感的军人的关注。奥斯曼土耳其人由于事先卷入巴尔干战争,     

“财政-军事国家”论在西方学界的发展与演变北大核心CSSCI

近代早期欧洲国家形成与军事活动之间的关系是西方学界关注的热点问题。美国学者约翰·布鲁尔提出“财政-军事国家”概念,强调行政机构扩大、财政税收增加与军事力量膨胀三者之间的关系。这一概念一经提出,很快成为分析近代欧洲国家形成与军事活动的重要框架,但它本身也存在一定的缺陷,例如,夸大了近代早期国家的能力、忽视了对财政资源的使用状况。近年来,一些西方学者试图对“财政-军事国家”概念进行补充与修正。“承包人国家”概念挑战了“公共”与“私人”的二元对立,着眼于国家将部分战争工作承包给私人,强调了私人部门在近代早期欧洲军事活动中的关键作用。“财政-军事体系”则采取了跨国的视角,关注国家、次级主权政治体和私人之间在军事活动中的互动,通过一系列“财政-军事中心”交易战争所需的人力、资金、物资、专家、服务和情报,从而勾勒出一个遍及欧洲的战争资源网络。这些研究极大地拓展了近代欧洲军事史和国家形成的视野与思路。     

欧盟的整合将跃上新高度

欧洲债务危机引发了全球经济震荡。随着希腊和意大利总理换人,政治冲击正在逐步减弱。但要防止危机导致欧元区国家的多米诺骨牌效应,欧盟必须从机制上寻找到有效而健康的答案。     

俄罗斯与欧洲安全体系

20世纪末冷战的结束为欧洲安全体系的重建创造了一个契机。越来越多的欧洲国家在重建统一的欧洲安全体系问题上达成了共识。对于俄罗斯而言,这也是一个加入到欧洲安全体系中去的最好时机。作为一个世界大国,俄罗斯的外交举措对世界、尤其是对欧洲各国都将产生极大的影响。尽管如今的俄罗斯综合国力与现实地位急剧下降,“近二三百年来首次真正面临沦为世界二流国家、甚至三流国家的危险”（普京：《千年之交的俄罗斯轧见《普京集》,中国社会科学出版社2002年,第16页）,但出于现实条件和国家利益的战略考虑,俄罗斯仍然希望在欧洲安全体系中占有自己的一席之地。     

论法西斯意大利的外交选择

凡尔赛格局中,法西斯意大利既非“有”的国家,也非“无”的国家,而是介乎“有”与“无”之间的中间力量。意大利最后盟随德国,并不是一开始就有的既定方针,而是它在两次世界大战之间或主动、或被动的外交选择的结果。     

物理学博士的“隔离日记”

2020年2月,新冠病毒开始在意大利肆虐,使其一度成为欧洲疫情最严重、封城政策最严格的国家之一。意大利人聚集在各自窗前唱歌的动人画面,感动了全世界,但同时,死亡人数与预测走势,也让整个国家被恐慌的情绪所笼罩。     

试析瑞典参加三十年战争的原因及影响

1618-1648年的三十年战争是不仅是一场德意志内战,更是一场欧洲内战。基于不同的利益考量,欧洲多数国家均卷入了这场战争。瑞典也不例外,其参加三十年战争的原因既有宗教方面的考虑,又有争夺波罗的海霸权的需求,还有商业贸易方面的利益使然。瑞典的参战对于三十年战争的走势具有重大的意义,同时瑞典的参战也对其战争发展态势和战后力量格局产生了深远的影响。     

意大利，我能向您学些什么？

是什么原因使意大利成为拥有世界文化遗产最多的国家?是什么力量推动这个欧洲古国傲视群雄,领跑文物保护与修复领域?2006中国意大利年仿佛为国人打开了一扇了解意大利文化的窗口,在此起彼伏的惊叹叫好声中,这一年即将过去。热闹散去,它是否给我们留下了什么?在回答这个问题之前,让我们在2006年年末登陆这个欧洲古国,再次体味“历史”与“遗产”的命运……     

意大利史书写中的“记忆转向”与“全球史转向”

20世纪90年代，意大利兴起“历史记忆”的研究潮流，这是受当时席卷欧洲的“记忆之场”趋势影响的结果。20年后，意大利又兴起“全球史”书写，将意大利史放在全球框架中展开。从“记忆之场”到“全球史”,这两次“转向”体现了意大利史书写的发展和演变。一方面，它受地方多样性、共和危机、欧盟困境、全球化等现实因素的影响，地方、国家、区域、全球在不同层次上与意大利的现实相互交织，影响意大利的本国史研究；另一方面，意大利历史书写长期以来又有为民族认同和国家建构服务的强烈倾向，故而强调以民族国家为本位。以民族国家整合为宗旨的历史写作还将在意大利特定的历史和现实背景下艰难跋涉。     

Italy during the Rhine Crisis of 1840

The paper addresses the impact of the Rhine Crisis of 1840 on Italian countries and explains the role they played in the European State System when the Continent seemed to be on the eve of a general war. As the paper attempts to prove, the crisis seriously alarmed the ruling classes as well as the general public and revealed the internal problems of the Italian countries as well as their deep distrust towards the egotistic and self-serving policies of the Great Powers. The paper therefore introduces the history of Italy during late 1840 within the wider context of European diplomatic history and serves as a probe into the history of the European State System during the Pre-March period in general.     

Resisting Bodies: Narratives of Italian Partisan Women

The second part of 2015 Pulitzer Prize winning author David I. Kertzer's interview with the Italian political leader Romano Prodi covers the period from the fall of Prodi's first government in 1998. Starting with the causes of the 1998 crisis, the discussion follows Prodi's subsequent career as President of the European Commission (1999–2004), the introduction of the Euro, the expansion of the EU, and the attempts to introduce a new European constitution, before moving to the second Prodi government (2006–08). Describing his subsequent role as UN Special Envoy for the Sahel and his candidacy in the 2013 Italian presidential elections, Italy's former Prime Minister reflects more widely on the current state of European and Italian politics.     

A rentier class? Milanese nobility and the economy in post-unification Italy

ABSTRACT

The Lombard nobility’s loss of political power after the Napoleonic Wars has led economic historians to overlook the persisting role of traditional elites in social and economic life. The aim of the paper is to reassess the contribution of the Milanese aristocracy to Italian economic development, providing new insights into the business behaviour of the nobility in northern Italian areas. The article presents some new findings on noblemen’s investments and enterprises related to agriculture, manufacturing, trade and banking. The research focuses on the decades following Italian political unification, a period in which noblemen increased their interest in the financial sector and joint-stock companies (transport, banking, new sectors and industries) as a result of the transformations induced by the Industrial Revolution and the agrarian crisis of the 1870s and 1880s. Both quantitative and qualitative data will be used to assess not only the number of individuals involved and the capital they invested in new ventures, but also their role in orienting, stimulating, managing or supporting entrepreneurial activities and their openness to collaboration with the members of the middle class. The analysis combines the deeds produced by four notaries, chosen on the basis of their contiguity to the Milanese aristocracy, the foundation’s deeds of the main companies established in the city, conserved in the House of Trade, and the information provided by other local and national institutions. The cross-referencing of this data suggests that the Milanese nobility maintained a prominent economic role well beyond Italian political unification, contributing to the modernization of the national economy despite the weaknesses and contradictions that marked this process.     

The Italian broadcasting system between politics and the market

Silvio Berlusconi's success in the European elections of 1999 reopened the Italian debate over the leader of Forza Italia's conflict of interests in the media and politics. This question is one among many that currently concern the relationship between the media, the market and politics in Italy. The Italian broadcasting system has long been subaltern to the political climate and its idiosyncrasies: in the past, the incapacity or lack of desire to regulate the development of the system made the formation of Berlusconi's broadcasting trust possible;in the present,an excess of political sensitivity prevents thoroughgoing reform.The development of digital pay-TV,coupled with the resistance of the state broadcaster,Rai,to return to a mission of public service,provide good examples of some of the contradictions that mark the Italian path to the globalization of communication.     

Echoes of tradition: Liang Qichao’s reflections on the Italian Risorgimento and the construction of Chinese nationalism

This paper examines how Liang Qichao viewed the Italian Risorgimento, with the focus on his reflections on its meanings in the historical contexts of Chinese politics and tradition. It will identify and analyze the many forces and ideas that influenced Liang as he formulated his reflections, especially the timing around the turn of the twentieth century and the discourses of nascent nationalism in Japan where Liang lived in exile. The way Liang created – or recreated – the Italian story demonstrated that the Chinese had finally begun to realize a crucial point about the building of a modern nation. While Britain, the United States, and France were able to build a modern nation by starting from the grass roots and more closely observing Enlightenment ideals, China did not have the luxury or the time to follow the same path. In the age of high imperialism, the weak would simply be weeded out quickly. Without national salvation, there could be no modern nation. National salvation, as exemplified by the Risorgimento, involved maintaining and glorifying the country’s own traditions and core values, which would in turn unify different social segments. Liang and his fellow reformers realized the importance of having simultaneously a national cause, a single political party, and a single leader, instead of having to take separate steps toward awakening. Liang’s awakening paved the way for the unfolding of the great Chinese revolutions of the twentieth century, led first by the Kuomintang and then by the Communists. Following Liang’s track of thinking, they both strived to build – or rebuild – a political centralism.     

论美国文官群体的历史演变

19世纪80年代以来,随着美国历史的发展,以文官制度的逐步完善为契机,文官群体的政治角色、经济地位、价值观念以及社会影响都发生了很大的变化,逐步朝着成为美国社会中的一个独立阶层的方向发展。首先,从"政治附庸"发展到"行政主管",文官群体的政治角色发生转换,其政治势力得以迅速膨胀;其次,从收入菲薄到待遇优厚,文官群体的经济地位得到提升,政府的财政负担也随之加重;再次,从"官本位"发展到"权本位",文官群体形成了带有现代官僚特征的价值取向,同时也开始蜕变为一个有人格缺失的群体;最后,从声名狼藉到公众认可,文官群体不仅扩大了社会影响,而且也在新的层面上形成了真正的官僚主义。     

ASSESSING (AND NOT ASSESSING) THE ITALIAN CONTRIBUTION TO HISTORIOGRAPHY AND POLITICAL THOUGHT

Edited by Giuseppe Galasso, one of Italy's most distinguished historians, this large volume seeks to convey the Italian contribution to historiography and political thought from the dawn of the Middle Ages into the present century, though it is overwhelmingly concentrated on the centuries since 1400. It includes six overview essays, but over 70 percent of its bulk consists of short articles, 108 in all, the vast majority on individual figures, and most of them five to seven pages in length. Whereas the approach, through individual figures, makes the volume especially valuable as a reference work, the approach also entails limitations making it hard to delineate and assess a distinctively Italian contribution. Readers must often connect the dots on their own if they are to discern the strands of a distinctive tradition. In his introductory overview, Galasso suggests a special Italian sensitivity to history, or capacity for the philosophy of history, but the suggestion is left vague and is followed up only in the most ad hoc way in the subsequent essays. The book offers little on how Italian idiosyncrasy might have either compromised or enhanced wider impact. Although the extent of Italian international interaction is well documented, there is little attention to reciprocity and the scope for synergy. Nor is there much assessment of the implications of changes in the valences of that interaction over the centuries, especially in breeding self‐criticism and sometimes compensatory myth‐making that might have further complicated the resonance of Italian offerings. But the volume demonstrates the richness of the Italian contribution and implicitly invites us to better encompass it, perhaps through comparative work and further research on multinational interplay.     

Italy and the politics of European defence: playing by the logic of multi‐level networks

The article looks at the role of Italy in the decision‐making arena of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), analysing the initiatives it put in place to address and influence the construction of a common defence. The article aims to explain the ability or inability of Italy to build up a consensus around its proposals. By studying two initiatives in the field of European defence and security, it seeks to determine the factors which resulted in the differing outcomes of Italian actions at the European level.     

Maciste goes to war: Maciste alpino (1916)

During the war years, both fiction and non-fiction films relating to the war populated Italian screens. This article examines Maciste alpino (1916), one of the best known and best received of the popular Maciste series of Italian silent cinema, in light of several factors: the growing nationalist movement that saw intervention in World War I as the means of creating political consensus; the sophistication and development of narrative, character, and attractions in the Maciste series; and its relation to popular film genres such as comic serials and the emerging strongman genre. Maciste functioned as a modern weapon par excellence, a Futurist mechanized man whose muscled body constituted its own fighting machine. At the same time, through his humor, goodwill, and muscled physique he became a national symbol of Italian wartime might.     

The European Union in the media coverage of the 2019 European election campaign in Italy: towards the Europeanization of the Italian public sphere

ABSTRACT

This article investigates the patterns of Europeanization of the Italian public sphere during the 2019 European Elections campaign. Europeanization is meant as a multifaceted process. The visibility and salience of the European Union (E.U.) within the public debate is realized by dynamics involving different actors, in terms of interactions, connections and contaminations between different public spheres. The aim of the article is to clarify whether and to what extent the Italian media covered the E.U. during the European Parliament (E.P.) elections campaign and more precisely to assess through which dynamics of Europeanization the E.U. entered the domestic public debate. We relied on data from a human content analysis carried out on 10 Italian media outlets during the seven weeks before election day. Our findings suggest that, compared to 2014, the visibility of E.U. and E.U. related issues is increasing within Italian media coverage. Italian media still maintain a neutral approach to the issue, resisting to Eurosceptic claims from political parties and public opinion. With regard to the Europeanization, we found that media tend to focus on the vertical dimension especially, providing visibility to domestic actors addressing the E.U. and its political actors. Elements of horizontal Europeanization, instead, are mainly referred to events from other E.U. member states, with few connections among political actors. All in all, our results confirm the idea of a growing centrality of the E.U. within national public debate combined with signals of more structured and substantial Europeanization.