种族隔离制度与1985年英国对南非政策的调整

1985年,南非局势的持续恶化与国际社会制裁压力的不断增加,迫使英国撒切尔政府考虑调整其对南非的“接触和对话”政策。对此,英外交部建议采取措施提高英国政策的可信度并避免陷入孤立,其核心策略是通过与欧共体就南非问题达成共同声明来捍卫英国的基本利益,并借此抵制英联邦更为严厉的制裁措施。然而,撒切尔却反对任何形式的经济制裁,双方各执己见,从而导致英国的政策调整异常艰难。经过一系列博弈后,撒切尔在平衡经济与政治利益诉求,保持英国南非政策自主性和灵活性的前提下,有选择地接受了欧共体《卢森堡协议》,此后又在拿骚英联邦会议上做出策略性妥协。撒切尔政府对南非政策进行的调整是英国实用主义外交传统的体现,其根本目的是为了以最小成本实现英国整体利益的最大化,但这种偏袒南非政府的做法在事实上延长了南非种族隔离制度的寿命。     

战后南非对外政策的种族主义诠释

种族主义不仅是南非长期实行种族隔离制度的思想渊源,而且对战后南非的对外政策产生了不容忽视的重大影响。这种影响主要表现为南非的地区霸权政策,南非与以色列、台湾地区构筑三角孤立联盟,努力谋求西方大国尤其是美国的庇护等三个方面。笔者拟从种族主义的视角,对此加以诠释。     

战后南非对外政策的种族主义诠释

种族主义不仅是南非长期实行种族隔离制度的思想渊源,而且对战后南非的对外政策产生了不容忽视的重大影响。这种影响主要表现为南非的地区霸权政策,南非与以色列、台湾地区构筑三角孤立联盟,努力谋求西方大国尤其是美国的庇护等三个方面。笔者拟从种族主义的视角,对此加以诠释。     

宏观调控的政策调整与法律调整分析

从当前国内的角度来分析,法律化论者与政策化论者无法达成共识,这在一定程度上对宏观调控的效果产生较大的影响。虽然国内业界认为宏观调控是政府协调市场关系的重要职能,理所应当适应于行政部门根据法定程序进行政策调整,而宏观调控的确立、实施、决策等法律化并没有形成共识,针对当前这一问题的出现还需要我国根据具体实际情况、结合中国的基本国情,做好综合方面的分析和研究。     

试析南非种族主义政权的区域“扰乱政策”

20世纪70年代,南非种族主义政权根据国际国内形势的变化制定了总战略。总战略在南部非洲区域层面体现在要将相关国家纳入南非控制的体系,而对拒绝接受控制的国家,南非则采取扰乱政策,对它们进行多种形式、不间断、低烈度的扰乱。南非的扰乱政策给这些国家造成了巨大的损失,也阻碍了整个南部非洲区域的发展。但是,随着种族主义政权的垮台,南非的这一政策最终归于失败。     

民国新疆地方政府对游牧民族的统治政策

民国时期,杨增新、金树仁、盛世才及国民党先后主新,对新疆的哈萨克、蒙古、柯尔克孜等游牧民族采取了不同的统治政策.杨增新实行抚绥、羁縻政策,金树仁实行民族歧视政策,盛世才实行假民主下的民族压迫政策,国民党政府实行民族同化和安抚政策,从而使新疆游牧社会处在或表面稳态或突显动荡的境况与态势中.     

论全球化时代的人地关系与政策调整

本文的主题是讨论经济全球化对人地关系的影响。首先,认为全球化强化了人地关系的重要性。在全球化推动现代性区域的空间范围不断扩大的同时,外化的空间及可能性在递减。全球性经济活动受到了地理环境的更大程度的制约。同时,经济全球化不会改变人类活动的基本空间型式和相互联系,也不意味着人类会自觉减轻对地理环境的巨大压力。其次,分析了全球化给人地关系带来的新变化。全球化条件下的人地关系呈现出从区域扩展为全球、从静态走向动态、从孤立化走向网络化三个新特点。最后,提出了全球化条件下优化人地关系的政策调整的新思路。一是倡导全球化条件下的先行性的人地关系伦理,二是要建立优化人地关系的全球性评估网络和政策网络。     

南非中国新移民面临的困境及其原因探析

本文在实证调查基础上,梳理了南非中国新移民面临的经济和社会问题,并在此基础上探讨了形成这种困境的内外部原因。从表面看来,中国新移民面临的问题直接来自于民族聚集区经济模式下的困境,民族聚集区经济强化了南非中国新移民的自我认同和族群边界,助长了他们普遍具有的＂过客＂心态,也使得他们逐渐面临众多经济、社会问题。然而,实质上,中国新移民的困境也与南非的社会政策大环境息息相关。南非《劳工法》对劳工的过度保护以及社会治安问题、警察腐败等社会大环境,成为中国新移民面临困境的外部原因。     

再谈我国服务型政府政策的价值取向

公平目前已成为社会关注的一个重要话题,我国在把建设服务型政府作为政府改革目标的同时,也把维护社会公平作为政府的一项主要职能。政府能否合格履行这项职能,反映到具体的管理实践中就是在政府制定和执行政策时,能否以公平正义作为其价值取向。本文在分析政策制定与执行时为什么要关注政策的价值取向,以及服务型政府为什么要以公平正义作为自己价值取向的基础上,对我国在服务型政府建设过程中,如何推动政府以公平正义作为政策的价值取向提出了相应的措施。     

20世纪90年代以来的中国宏观经济政策调整

20世纪90年代以来,中国政府的宏观经济政策经历了三次较大的调整。即:1993-1996年政府实行了适度从紧的财政、货币政策,降低高通胀率,使国民经济顺利实现第一次“软着陆”;1998-2002年财政货币政策由适度从紧转向积极有限度扩张,扩大内需,降低高失业率,使国民经济顺利实现第二次“软着陆”;2003年下半年至今政府采取稳健的财政货币政策,加强宏观调控,抑制部分行业投资增长过快,减缓物价上涨压力,对保持经济平稳较快发展而避免大起大落起到了显著的作用。     

Measuring Complex State Policies: Pitfalls and Considerations,with an Application to Race and Welfare Policy

Welfare policy is multidimensional because of the political compromises, competing goals, and federalist structure underpinning it. This complexity has hindered measurement and, therefore, the comparability of research on race and welfare policy. This paper describes a measurement strategy that is transparent, replicable, and attuned to matching the assumptions of statistical models to the policy process. We demonstrate that this strategy leads to more nuanced conclusions regarding the relationship between minority caseloads and the flexibility of state welfare policies. The strategy and recommendations are adaptable to research agendas that scholars bring to the comparative study of welfare in the U.S. states, countries, or other units—and to other complex policies enacted in federal systems.     

Christianity and Political Engagement in Post-Apartheid South Africa

Abstract

This paper focuses specifically on the impact of the Christian churches on the social, cultural and political contexts of South Africa. It considers the political role of the mainline Christian churches and their ecumenical bodies during the apartheid era. In post-apartheid South Africa, the social and political context has changed and the Christian churches relate to this new context in varied ways. The rapid growth and proliferation of Christian churches under forces of globalization to some extent undermines social cohesion and development. The traditional practice of the public gathering, or imbizo, is particularly threatened. This article therefore seeks to address the question of whether Christian institutions in a rapidly globalizing Africa are an asset or liability for promoting identity and belonging, social cohesion, and the development of social capital.     

论南非早期华人与印度移民之异同

南非的华人和印度人之间既有相同点,又有不同点。一方面,他们生活在一块相对陌生的土地上,遇到了相同的困难,主要表现在种族歧视、经济困境、社会地位和政治权利等方面。作为“亚洲威胁者”,他们被非洲人视为到南非获取当地低工资的入侵者,而被白人当作贫穷的未开化的苦力。在面临生存危机时,他们总是团结起来与当地政府的种族歧视政策作斗争。另一方面,两个社群之间存在诸多差异。作为大英帝国的子民,印度人移民南非比中国人容易,因此比华人多得多;印度人在南非诸种族集团中处于一个比华人更明确的位置;印度人的宗教传统在社会生活中占有重要的地位。更为重要的是,印度早期移民中的不少知识分子极大地促进了印度人社区的整合,同时有利于印度人为获得自身权利而斗争。     

Policy Change and Policy Stasis: Comparing Swiss Foreign Policy toward South Africa (1968–94) and Iraq (1990–91)

This article investigates how concepts from the field of public policy, in particular the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) initially introduced by Sabatier and Jenkins‐Smith, can be applied to the study of foreign policy analysis. Using a most similar comparative case studies design, we examine Switzerland's foreign policy toward South Africa under apartheid for the period from 1968 to 1994 and compare it with the Swiss position toward Iraq after the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990, when the Swiss government imposed—for the first time—comprehensive economic sanctions against another state. The application of the ACF shows that a dominant advocacy coalition in Swiss foreign policy toward South Africa prevented a major policy change in Swiss–South African relations despite external pressure from the international and national political levels. Actually, quite the opposite could be observed: Swiss foreign policy increased its persistence in not taking economic sanctions against the racist regime in South Africa during the 1980s and early 1990s. The ACF, with its analytical focus on policy subsystems and the role of external shocks as potential triggers for change, provided a useful framework for analyzing the factors for policy change and stasis in Swiss foreign relations toward the selected two countries.     

Confronting the settler legacy: Indigenisation and transformation in South Africa and Zimbabwe

This article examines attempts to negotiate a perceived residual dominance of settler populations in South Africa and Zimbabwe by means of developmental and cultural policies deemed necessary to restore sovereignty to Africans. Indigenisation has become a preferred strategy for reconstructing post-colonial states in Africa: indigenisation of the economy as part of a Third Chimurenga in Zimbabwe and Black Economic Empowerment in the socio-cultural context of Ubuntu in South Africa. These are issues arising from the regional legacy of contested and uneven transitions to majority rule. Identifying how governments frame the ‘settler problem’, and politicise space in doing so, is crucial for understanding post-colonial politics. Indigenisation in Zimbabwe allows the government to maintain a network of patronage and official rhetoric is highly divisive and exclusivist although couched in terms of reclaiming African values and sovereignty. Revival of Ubuntu as a cultural value system in South Africa facilitates a more positive approach to indigenisation, although Black Economic Empowerment displays elitist tendencies and cultural transformation remains controversial and elusive. The perceived need to anchor policy in socially acceptable (i.e., ostensibly indigenous/traditional) contexts has become a prominent feature of post-colonial politics and is indicative of an indigenous turn in Southern African politics.     

The micromammalian fauna from Border Cave,Kwazulu, South Africa

The micromammalian fauna from Border Cave is analysed in terms of community composition and structure. Changes in these aspects are interpreted as indicative of changes in vegetation and climate in the vicinity of the cave during the period of deposition. It would appear that vegetation comprised relatively extensive forest or thick bush and dense grass during wetter phases and fairly open savanna woodland, even open grassland, during drier periods. Variation through time in mean mandibular size in two species of Crocidura (musk shrew) was different both in the two species and from what was expected. It now seems likely that the size change constitutes a response to complex phenomena and not simply to changes in temperature. Comparison with the Boomplaas A sequence indicates that the same general pattern of change is reflected at both sites but that there was a greater amplitude of change at Boomplaas A and that ¹⁸O stage 4 was dry at this site but wet at Border Cave. Evidence for periodic changes in the distribution of various species, and in some cases the mutually exclusive occurrence of ecologically equivalent species, has implications for the zoogeography of the species involved. In particular, the occurrence of Pelomys fallax (creek rat) in the lower half of the sequence is of interest in view of its present distribution 600 + km north of Border Cave.