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During the decade of the 1960s a new social science discipline was created. Aaron Wildavsky, along with a small number of other scholars, began focusing their research on public policy studies and the analysis of governmental policy. This article discusses Professor Aaron Wildavsky's original interest in this field, how he institutionalized it by creating a Graduate School of Public Policy at the University of California, Berkeley, and his major contributions to the emerging field. Aaron Wildavsky was one of the preeminent social scientists of the twentieth century, and this article is intended to explain why.  相似文献   

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The origins of the neonatal neurological examination are described with their common basis attributable to evolutionary theory, the classical neurosciences, clinical neurology, and developmental psychology. It is shown that not only have the techniques of the bedside examination changed over the past half century but the purpose of the examination has also evolved; initially the examination was used to assess maturation of the developing infant, now it is used to determine whether cerebral pathology may be present and whether examination abnormalities are helpful in outcome assessment. The development of several of the current neonatal neurological examinations are reviewed and their clinical and scientific basis examined.  相似文献   

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Roger Dingman 《外交史》1999,23(4):687-692
Book reviewed in this article:
Michael Schaller, Altered States: The United States and Japan since the Occupation  相似文献   

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Polynesian Rotuma was blessed by its large coconuts and became an early focus for foreigners seeking trade in coconut oil and copra. Once the island became part of British Fiji in 1881, Rotumans voiced their concerns about increased shipping costs when going via Fiji as the port of entry. From the early 20th century they had visions of owning their own ship and thus greater control over prices for exported copra and imported goods. This article seeks to examine their constant efforts to make traders deal more fairly while seeking to manage their own shipping. Though they had some success, particularly when they formed a cooperative after World War Two, their goal largely proved unattainable but the vision and the voices have endured.  相似文献   

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The Karl Spencer Lashley Award for Distinguished Achievement in the Neurosciences has been bestowed upon 50 of the world's leading neuroscientists of the last half century but is not well known. It originated in 1953 when Lashley accumulated excess stock holdings and established a Fund for Neurobiology with 52,000 dollars to provide small grants for neurobiological research. Several years later the assets were transferred to the American Philosophical Society to administer and convert to an award for achievement in neurobiology The nature, amount, and format of the award have evolved ever since. These changes in the award and the characteristics of its recipients are described.  相似文献   

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The Karl Spencer Lashley Award for Distinguished Achievement in the Neurosciences has been bestowed upon 50 of the world’s leading neuroscientists of the last half century but is not well known. It originated in 1953 when Lashley accumulated excess stock holdings and established a Fund for Neurobiology with $52,000 to provide small grants for neurobiological research. Several years later the assets were transferred to the American Philosophical Society to administer and convert to an award for achievement in neurobiology The nature, amount, and format of the award have evolved ever since. These changes in the award and the characteristics of its recipients are described.  相似文献   

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Aaron Martin's (2012) recent article is the first to use survey data to compare the political participation of young people with that of older age groups in Australia. As such, it adds to our empirical knowledge of political participation, particularly by emphasising the changing focus of young people's engagement. Yet, like most mainstream, and especially quantitative, political participation researchers, Martin does not engage adequately with the growing, more critical literature). This response raises some of the issues emphasised in this literature, relating them directly to Martin's contribution. It has four sections: firstly, a brief consideration of Martin's main conclusions; secondly, a discussion of putative reasons for the change in forms of participation; thirdly, a consideration of broader forms of political participation; and finally, a consideration of the relationship between identity and political participation, which is at the core of most broader discussions of the latter.

阿隆·马丁(2012)在最近的文章中首先使用调查资料对澳大利亚年轻人和更年长者的政治参与做了比较。他的研究,特别是关于年轻人参与焦点的转移那部分,丰富了关于政治参与的实证知识。但与从事政治参与的主流尤其是定量研究的学者一样,马丁对于正在出现的、批判性的文献缺乏足够的关注。本文根据这些文献提出跟马丁研究相关的问题。本文包括四个部分:1)简要评述马丁的主要结论;2)讨论参与形式变化的推定原因;3)思考更为宽广的政治参与形式;4)思考身份与政治参与之间的关系,那是在更大范围内讨论政治参与的核心问题。  相似文献   


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Gediminas Lesutis 《对极》2023,55(6):1781-1801
Building on critical geographical scholarship on racialism and coloniality reiterated through infrastructure systems, this article explores how inherently colonial constructs of ethnicity-as-identity—as sub-genres of humanity and further biopolitical differentiation of Blackness—are reworked through contemporary mega-infrastructures. Focusing on the development of Lamu Port in Kenya, it analyses how infrastructures entrench pre-existing symbolic and material divisions between ostensibly different ethnic groups and how they perceive themselves within Kenya's body politic. Doing this, the article demonstrates how mega-infrastructures actively reproduce the sub-genres of humanity that were set in motion during the colonial period as categories inscribing the racialised, constitutive otherness to Whiteness. The coloniality of power, therefore, endures, reverberating through infrastructures into materialities of the present and the everyday of peoples who continue to rely on colonial grammars of sub-humanisation to maintain a sense of self in the world of not their own making.  相似文献   

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Given the surprise electoral victory in May 2013 of Iranian President Hassan Rouhani, which was attained on a recurrent platform of reform and change, this article seeks to investigate Iran's reform discourse by looking at how it systematically developed under President Mohammad Khatami (1997–2005). Its chief purpose is to delineate the discourse in a retrospective analytical attempt to show why it has proven so resilient and persuasive in theory while briefly explicating the causes of its failure in practice under reformists, which set the stage for the rise to power of populist neo‐conservatives marshaled by Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (2005–2013). Divided in two main parts, it thus seeks to tease out the domestic ideology of reform as theorized by Khatami and his men on the one hand, and the foreign policy of détente and dialogue as performed by the reformist administration on the other. In so doing, the article draws primarily on the original Persian sources produced during the respective period and afterward, including Khatami's own writings as well as theoretical formulations and articulations propounded by his political strategists. Finally, it anticipates that Rouhani's “moderation” project can face the same fate as Khatami's “reform” project if the former does not heed the hard‐earned historical lessons of the latter, even though it is operating in a different sociopolitical context.  相似文献   

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