The Evolution of Administrative Systems in Kuwait,Saudi Arabia,and Qatar: The Challenge of Implementing Market Based Reforms

The dramatic plunge in oil prices since the second half of 2014 poses serious challenges for the oil dependent states of Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar, and revives their interest in accelerating the implementation of market‐based reforms such as outsourcing, privatization, and public–private partnerships. This article challenges the assumption that these reforms offer a panacea for administrative change, and argues that while they might appear to be a solution to the growing fiscal constraints in the three Gulf states, considerable administrative, cultural, economic, and political barriers hinder their effective implementation. The conclusion reached is that western labels of market‐based reforms offer limited options for the three states in the absence of strong political will to make fundamental reforms that could alter the state–society relations. It is suggested that further theorization of administrative change is required in cultural contexts, such as the Gulf region, where administration and society are intertwined, and where trying to minimize the role and size of the state, poses a direct threat to the political legitimacy of the ruling elites.     

Political Security Issues at the Concluding Statements of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Sessions 1981–2001: an Analytical Study of the Content

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the contents of the concluding statements of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) sessions from 1981 to 2001 concerning political and security issues. In particular, the study reviews six topics, including cooperation in the military field, cooperation in the field of security, the Iraqi‐Kuwaiti issue, the Arab‐Israeli conflict, cooperation in the field of fighting terrorism, and GCC Iranian relations. The GCC Supreme Council affirmed the right of the Palestinians to establish their independent state whose capital would be Eastern Jerusalem. The GCC demanded the elimination of weapons of mass destruction when it came to the issue of the Iraqi ‐ Kuwait problem. Concerning the relations between the GCC and Iran, the emphasis was on calling for a peaceful resolution to the problems of the islands [Abu Musa, Tunb Major and Tunb Minor]. The GCC stressed the importance of intensive communications among the security agencies in the member states, and condemning terrorism in all its forms and types. Finally, the GCC expressed satisfaction with the accomplishments in the military and defense sector.     

The Perpetuation of Regime Security in Gulf Cooperation Council States: A Multi‐Lens Approach

Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states have been engaging in diversification efforts, yet the types of efforts suggest that the primary interest is regime security. Regional foreign policy is complex; hence we propose a multi‐lens approach to analyze overlapping and complementary political, economic, and social forces. The international political economy of hydrocarbons demonstrates the similarities among GCC states, regional dynamics illustrate interstate relations and similar patterns, while economic diversification suggests individual state trajectories and comparative and competitive patterns. By outlining the contemporary context for GCC states, we argue that low oil prices, regional dependence on hydrocarbons, and trends in economic diversification efforts signal GCC states' preference to reinforce their rentier systems with alternative state revenue streams. GCC states' diversification into new markets and sectors and use of state‐owned enterprises in microcompetitions indicate a new search for alternative revenue streams and prestige, which in turn are used to assure the perpetuation of regime security. This finding sets trajectories and implications for the region, specifically economic stagnation and supplementary diversification processes.     

The Intersection of Citizenship Status,STEM Education,and Expected Labor Market Participation in Gulf Cooperation Council Countries

Citizenship status influences the impact of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education on the youth labor market participation in the Arabian Gulf. This research examines the relationship between citizenship status, STEM education, and expected labor market participation in Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, and examines the intervening effects of information and communication technology (ICT) based instruction, specifically. The 2011 Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) provides both labor market expectations and STEM education data from all participating GCC countries, including Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates. Results suggest that ICT‐enhanced STEM education differently influences the human capital development of Gulf national and expatriate youth. For example, GCC nationals do not emphasize STEM education as an avenue for employment, while expatriate youth do. In particular, as Gulf national youths' parents' education level increases, students are less likely to think they need to do well in science to get the job they want. This is indicative of a broader trend in the Gulf nations to rely more on non‐education‐related factors such as family influence or connections for social, economic, and political mobility. In contrast, results also suggest that while STEM education contributes to potential private sector labor market participation among Gulf national youth, expatriate youth are more likely to expect to need or use STEM in the labor market.     

Diagenesis and elemental geochemistry under varying reservoir oil saturation in the Junggar Basin of NW China: implication for differentiating hydrocarbon‐bearing horizons

In this paper, we attempt to differentiate hydrocarbon‐bearing reservoir horizons of the Junggar Basin of NW China based on the characteristics of diagenesis and associated elemental geochemistry. Reservoirs at this site have varying levels of oil saturation that correlate with the degree of dissolution in minerals (e.g., calcite and feldspar). Four different horizons with varying diagenetic mineral assemblages were observed, including (i) kaolinite‐rich, oil‐dominated horizons, (ii) kaolinite–pyrite–hematite‐rich, oil–water‐dominated horizons, (iii) siderite–chlorite‐rich, water‐dominated horizons, and (iv) chlorite‐rich horizons with negligible hydrocarbon production. The mean MnO content of the representative diagenetic mineral (e.g., calcite) in each of the above horizons is >2.5, 2.0–2.5, 1.5–2.0, and <1.0 wt%, respectively. We propose that the above methodology can be used for the identification of reservoir hydrocarbon‐bearing horizons. We argue that the indicators presented here can be applied in oil exploration across the Junggar Basin.     

Shifting State–Business Relations in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Post‐2014

This study aims to explore how state–business relations in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) have been developing following the fall in oil prices in 2014 and the subsequent increased pressure to implement economic reforms. The main argument is that due to a combination of factors, the positions of the established business community vis‐à‐vis the ruling powers in those countries have become weaker. The factors are: 1) economic pressure and necessity to reform since the 2014 decline in oil prices; 2) the generational shift and subsequent centralizing tendencies in the ruling circles in some of the states; and 3) increased geopolitical rivalry and antagonism between the GCC members, including intensified competition for foreign investment and external political support. Meanwhile the governments have acquired more control over commercial activities that used to be the realm of the business elite. Although these changes are happening to a varying extent and at a different pace in each GCC country, the trend is recognizable in all six.     

Bridging the Unbridgeable in the History of the Middle East: The Arab and the Raj; Paul Rich

Rosemarie Said Zahlan , The Making of the Modern Gulf States: Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman. Efraim Karsh and Inari Karsh , Empires of the Sand: The Struggle for Mastery in the Middle East, 1789–1923.     

The Specialized Cities of the Gulf Cooperation Council: A Case Study of a Distinct Type of Policy Innovation and Diffusion

This article examines a new phenomenon in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) referred to as specialized cities (SC). These cities, in addition to being new towns, implement innovations in selected policy areas. This article goes beyond describing the spread of SC to answering a broader question: what motivates a GCC country to adopt such policy innovation? After a quantitative overview of the phenomenon, three cases have been selected to cover three main policy areas: energy, health care, and education, in Abu Dhabi Masdar City, Dubai Healthcare City, and Qatar Education City. A preliminary analysis of each of the cases is followed by a comparative approach that aims at discovering similarities and differences, as well as developing the basis for a preliminary analytical model that explains the driving factors behind these innovations. The country adoption of a policy innovation and its diffusion are mainly the results of geographical proximity and similarity, as these proximate countries tend to have similar economic aspects and common social problems that lead to similar policy action effects. Regional competition and positive reputational mechanisms are also particularly strong determinants for diffusion. The findings suggest that in the GCC region a diffusion of the phenomena is occurring, rather than that of a specific type of SC.     

Britain,the United Arab Emirates and the defence of the Gulf revisited

This article investigates the deepening of the UK's security and defence arrangements with the United Arab Emirates (UAE). In recent years there has been a flurry of diplomatic activity indicating far closer engagement between London and Abu Dhabi. Rather than being an innovative initiative of the Cameron government, the interaction has deeper roots, with this article uncovering the importance of the relatively unknown Defence Cooperation Agreement (DCA) of 1996, signed by the Major government. Furthermore, the UK‐UAE defence relationship is shown to have endured beyond the infamous UK withdrawal from ‘east of Suez’ in 1971. The current engagement is, however, more intense and potentially far‐reaching than it had been in recent decades, with the defence sector being placed at the forefront of UK efforts to bolster the relationship with the oil‐rich Gulf emirate. Using official statements from London and Abu Dhabi, this article suggests that the UK‐UAE relationship has always remained intact, although it lost focus following the end of the Major government until the refocusing on the Gulf by the Cameron government. The article concludes with an assessment of the expectations of the UAE, and the strategic drivers underpinning UK policy.     

Do We Need a GCC Bank to Facilitate the Economic Turnaround of the GCC Region?

Amidst the ongoing crisis of plummeting oil prices, the GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) terrain has become a haunt of economists and financial analysts to tackle the ongoing challenges in the region. GCC constituents are gearing themselves with a robust political will that they hope could result in a turnaround of their economy by adopting a policy of economic diversification in nonoil‐based sectors. With this background supported by extensive qualitative scan of literature pertaining to the reforms proposed by the six members of the GCC to drive the economy forward amidst ongoing economic crisis, this article seeks to underscore the prospect of a shared initiative by the GCC constituents in institutionalizing a GCC bank as a potent innovative solution which may serve to provide an edifice for pushing forth the region's economy in nonhydrocarbon segments contingent upon the individual needs of the GCC constituents. As an exploratory study, this paper sheds light on these issues besides discussing the fundamental functions of the GCC bank.     

Essential Threats to the Security of the GCC Countries in the Post Arab Spring Era

The so called Arab Spring has brought more challenges to the security of the Arabian Gulf states members of the Gulf Cooperative Council (GCC). This article aims to reach a better understanding of the main threats facing the GCC states in the post Arab Spring era. It argues that the conservative system of the GCC states, originated in the paternalistic conservatism, is facing an essential threat from three very important elements that are instigated by the eruption of the so called Arab Spring: political liberal ideas, political Islamic movement, and sectarianism. The article investigates the impact of these elements on the GCC states.     

The Development of “Sports-City” Zones and Their Potential Value as Tourism Resources for Urban Areas

In recent years, several cities have constructed new sports facilities in concentrated areas or supplemented existing facilities to create a themed sport zone. Some have branded these areas as “sports cities” to give them visibility and coherence. This research assesses the rationale for these projects, in particular, their potential value as new tourist areas for cities. Although the relationship between sport and cities is an established part of urban studies, there is currently little research that explicitly addresses this new phenomenon of themed areas of cities dedicated to sport. To address the lack of previous work, existing literature on comparable manifestations of themed urban areas is used as a conceptual basis for the paper. A comparative analysis is then conducted of four specific schemes: “SportCity”, Manchester (UK); “The International Sports Village”, Cardiff (UK); “The Aspire Zone”, Doha (Qatar) and “Dubai Sports City” (UAE). These different sports-city zones are compared and evaluated with reference to issues raised in the literature. The paper concludes that, to be successful, sports-city zones need to be planned as such, and not merely employed as convenient brands for existing events facilities.     

Introduction: global production networks--debates and challenges

Over the last decade-and-a-half, a rich and vibrant literaturehas evolved that attempts to explain how global industries areorganized and governed, and how, in turn, those relationshipsaffect the development and upgrading opportunities of the variousregions and firms involved. Although this is a sprawling multi-disciplinaryfield of endeavour, to date, three key interlinked strands ofresearch can be distinguished:

• The global commodity chain (GCC)framework, first elaboratedin the volume edited by Gereffiand Korzeniewicz (1994). Initially,stemming from a relativelystructuralist world systems perspective,‘GCC analysisis principally concerned with understandinghow global industriesare organized. It consists of identifyingthe full set of actors(i.e. firms) that are     

Rumour and Myth in the labour camps of Qatar (Respond to this article at http://www.therai.org.uk/at/debate)

The petroleum‐rich states of the Arabian Peninsula comprise one of the principal transnational destinations for the global movement of labour. In the Gulf States, much of that labour force comes from South Asia. Legions of unskilled male labourers are typically housed in labor camps, a nomenclature that masks a wide variety of both formal and informal accommodation that, in spatial terms, is a fundamental mechanism for the social segregation of this foreign labor force from the citizenry. Building upon recent fieldwork in Doha, Qatar, this paper examines the myths and narratives that proliferate amongst the South Asian men in these labor camps – men who, often despite years of experience in the Gulf States, typically have little or no interaction with the native citizenry. This paper suggests that these myths and stories can be understood as instruments of governance in that they portray the collectively‐established boundaries of appropriate behavior in a culture foreign to these unskilled laborers. A close analysis of the content of these myths and rumors, however, also helps us grapple with the connections and contradictions between power, race, class, ethnicity, nationality, religion, gender and sexuality in the extraordinarily heterogeneous context of the contemporary Gulf State. As such, the analysis not only sheds light on the experiences of these foreign men and women, but also their collective understanding of that experience and of the society that hosts them.     

Quantitative estimation of overpressure caused by gas generation and application to the Baiyun Depression in the Pearl River Mouth Basin,South China Sea

Hydrocarbon generation can yield high fluid pressures in sedimentary basins as the conversion of solid kerogen to hydrocarbons can result in an increase in fluid volume. To quantify the relationship between gas generation and overpressure in source rocks, a set of equations for computing the pressure change due to gas generation has been derived. Those equations can be used to quantitatively estimate overpressure generated by type III kerogen in source rocks by considering gas generation and leakage, gas dissolution in formation water and residual oil, thermal cracking of oil to gas, and hydrocarbon episodic expulsion from source rocks. The equations also take consideration of other factors including source rock porosity, transformation ratio, total organic carbon (TOC), hydrogen index, and compressibility of kerogen, oil, and water. As both oil and gas are taken into account in the equations, they can also be used to estimate the evolution of overpressure caused by hydrocarbon generation of type I and type II kerogen source rocks. Sensitivity analyses on the type III kerogen source rock indicate that hydrogen index is the most influential parameter for overpressure generation, while TOC and residual gas coefficient (β: ratio of residual gas over the total gas generated) have a moderate effect. Overpressure can be generated even if the gas leakage/loss in the source rock is up to 80% of the total gas generated. This suggests that the internal pressure seal of the source rock is not a critical factor on the pressure change as long as the source rocks are capable of sealing liquid oil. The equations were applied to evaluate the overpressure in the Eocene–Oligocene Enping Formation source rocks due to hydrocarbon generation in the Baiyun Depression, the Pearl River Mouth Basin by considering the source rock properties, hydrocarbon generation history, and hydrocarbon expulsion timing. Two episodes of overpressure development due to gas generation and release were modeled to have occurred in the Enping Formation source rock since 16 Ma. The overpressure release at 10.2–5.3 Ma via hydrocarbon expulsion was apparently related to the Dongsha phase of tectonic deformation, whereas the pressure release at 2–0 Ma was due to pressure generation that was exceeded the fracture‐sealing pressure in the source rocks.     

‘That Tiny,Stratospheric Apex That Owns Most of the World’– Exploring Geographies of the Super‐Rich

This paper exhorts geographers to give critical attention to the super‐rich, defined as individuals with investable assets in excess of $1 million. The super‐rich currently number almost 11 million globally (2011) and have collective wealth in excess of $42 trillion. We argue that as a result of our discipline's typical, and not unjustifiable, focus on the poor and middle class, and our neglect of the super‐rich, geographers may both be overlooking potentially valuable insights to the institutions, practices, and cultural values of our society and gaining only a partial view of global capitalism. We point to prospectively useful work in areas that embrace relationships between the super‐rich, place, and mobility; links between wealth and (geo)politics; new philanthropy; and the social and environmental consequences of ‘luxury fever’. We also speculate as to some of the reasons for geographers’ apparent reluctance to engage with the super‐rich, responding to some of the critical methodological challenges associated with such work.     

Rethinking Soft Power in the Post‐Blockade Times: The Case of Qatar

This study seeks to advance the understanding of the utility of “soft power” by exploring the case of Qatar. The country's approach is conceptualized as “nested power” through the examination of its political strategies before and after the regional blockade in 2017. The role of soft and nested power in Qatar has already been examined through various vantage points, such as small state diplomacy, mediation, and sports. Since the blockade has been for Qatar a great strategic dilemma, examination of how it affected power dynamics reveals the salience as well as the resilience of Qatar's soft and nested power. The article will discuss the concepts of “soft” and “nested” powers and their relevance to the state of Qatar in general and it will focus in the final section on the post‐blockade period. In doing so, we also seek useful approaches, which can be compatible with, and even advance “global international relations” (IR). The movement to make IR more global and inclusive is a welcome feature of the current century, reflective of the burgeoning role of the “Global South.”     

WHERE IS AN OIL SHOCK?

Much of the literature examining the effects of oil shocks asks the question “What is an oil shock?” and has concluded that oil‐price increases are asymmetric in their effects on the U.S. economy. That is, sharp increases in oil prices affect economic activity adversely, but sharp decreases in oil prices have no effect. We reconsider the directional symmetry of oil‐price shocks by addressing the question “Where is an oil shock?” the answer to which reveals a great deal of spatial/directional asymmetry across states. Although most states have typical responses to oil‐price shocks—they are affected by positive shocks only—the rest experience either negative shocks only (five states), both positive and negative shocks (five states), or neither shock (five states).