重评联邦主义者的政治思想

重评联邦主义者的政治思想李永清１７８７年５月费城会议制定了一部代替邦联条例的新宪法。在批准新宪法的过程中出现了拥护和反对两种意见,从而演成了美国政治思想史上一场最激烈的论战。拥护批准宪法者,称联邦主义者①,以汉密尔顿、麦迪森、杰伊三人为代表。西方史学...     

国际贸易与环境协调发展的难点和出路

本文分析了国际贸易与环境冲突的现状、原因,探讨了解决贸易与环境冲突面临的困难,在此基础上提出了协调贸易与环境出路的5个方面,即建立国际贸易环境成本内化核算体系;建立可持续性的补偿基金;建立以贸易与环境协定为准则的多边合作机制;建立各国"环境标志制度"的统一标准化管理体系;建构环境与贸易协调的全球法律和价值伦理体系。     

美国邦联时期的宪政改革探索与联邦宪法制定

<正>从1781年《邦联条例》得到批准到1789年第一届联邦政府成立这一段时间,在美国历史上被称为"邦联时期"。在这一时期,《邦联条例》所设计的体制无法应对新生国家国内建设的需要,人们在实践中和理论上进行探索,希望对《邦联条例》加以修正。这一不断修正的过程是邦联不断探索宪政改革的过程,并且直接导向了美国制宪会议的召开和联邦宪法的制定,从而为美国构建新的政府框架提供了崭新的机会。一宪政改革方式的探索     

美国内战时期南部邦联政府的财政政策

美国内战期间,南部邦联财政政策的主要目标是筹措资金。为达到此目的,南部邦联政府采取了征税和发行国库券与债券等措施。由于通过征税获得的财政收入微乎其微,南部邦联政府的财政资金便主要依靠发行国库券和债券。此举固然使得南部邦联政府短期获得一部分可支配资金,但由于南部邦联没有坚实雄厚的财政基础,又得不到外来有力的资金援助和支持,因此南部邦联财政政策并未实现既定目标,反而引发了通货膨胀和物价飞涨,加剧了南部邦联的民心涣散,最终加速了南部邦联的失败。     

美国内战末期南部邦联的武装奴隶抉择

美国内战后期,南部邦联在武装奴隶问题上陷入困境。战争态势的不利和白人人力资源的枯竭,使得南部邦联有必要利用奴隶作为军人。然而如果诉诸于武装奴隶,就遇到了是否解放奴隶的问题。南部邦联的立国目的是维护奴隶制,如果解放奴隶,南部邦联就失去了既定的战争目的;如果不武装奴隶,南部邦联必将战败,奴隶制也必然被联邦所废除。面对这一难题,一部分人主张不惜以废除奴隶制为代价换取奴隶为南部而战,另一部分人则宁愿战败灭亡也不愿解放奴隶。由于存在着强大的反对力量,南部邦联政府迟至1865年3月灭亡前夕才制定了武装奴隶政策。南部邦联并没有真正组建起黑人军队就灭亡了,该政策的出台只是反映了南部奴隶主统治集团的战争困境。     

是杀人机器还是仁慈医生? 以色列少校的梦魇

11月27日,新一轮中东问题国际会议正在美国马里兰州安纳波利斯召开。而这一天夜里,在以色列帕尔马欣空军基地的家中,40岁的约瓦尔又做梦了。约瓦尔少校?约瓦尔医生?这两个称呼不止一次在梦里困惑着他,他不知     

邦联国会争取关税权的努力及其意义

征税权是一个现代主权国家所必需的权力,但美国邦联国会缺乏这种权力。为了改善财政状况,邦联国会希望争取到征收关税的权力。它通过提出关税修正案的方式,希望各州赋予它征收关税的权力,但是两个关税修正案都因为一个州的反对而功亏一篑。邦联国会争取关税权的努力虽然没有成功,但它是修正邦联宪政体制的一次重要探索,是将征税权赋予全国性政府的一次有益的尝试,是全国性政府加强从社会汲取资源的能力的重要一步。由此可见,邦联国会争取关税权的努力是美国早期国家构建历程中至关重要的一个环节。     

重温中美细节

戊戌变法和辛亥时期,无论是革命派还是改良派,都把美国当作一面镜子爱恨交织中好感占主流1784年来广州开拓商业奇迹的“中国皇后”号上的美国商人,是现在有确切文献记载的最早来华的美国人。那时的美国,还是刚刚独立建国、处于邦联体制下的松散的十三邦联合体,与1789年创始、一直延续至今的联邦制下的美利坚合众国,还     

旅游景点哈佛大学

美国文化中心古城——波士顿,被称为“自由的摇篮”。在美国历史上有着光辉的记录。1775年4月19日,波士顿人民与英军发生冲突,打败了英军。5月10日在费城召开第二届大陆会议,决定组织“大陆军”,任命华盛顿为总司令。1776年7月4日,大陆会议通过《独立宣言》,向全世界宣布美利坚合众国的成立。     

美国掠影

正2012年夏,我和夫人去了趟美国,看望在费城工作的女儿和在波特兰生活的妹妹一家。从厦门出发经香港转机,飞行了约16个小时,降落纽约肯尼迪机场。从机场到费城还有一段车程,女儿驱车接我们到家,已是子夜时分。费城不大,位于宾西法尼亚州东南部,城市被特拉华河和斯库基尔河两条大河裹在中间。费城应该是美国最老和最具历史意义的城市,在美国历史上有着重要的地位。     

俄国革命中的立宪会议问题

立宪会议问题对于1917年俄国革命进程具有重大影响。立宪会议被赋予解决所有迫切问题的重负,承载了人民群众的主要期待和希望,但临时政府受继续进行战争的政策牵制,没有把它作为紧迫的任务来解决,因而延缓了和平、土地、民族等迫切问题的解决。十月前后布尔什维克对立宪会议的态度从积极主张到彻底否定,这一变化除了现实政治原因之外,也有思想理论上的根源。而俄国社会、经济、文化的相对落后,是影响立宪会议命运的深层因素。     

Representation in Congress and the Executive: Rethinking the Perspectives of James Madison

This article contributes to the development of a "revised" interpretation of James Madison's views on representation. I suggest that Madison's approach to representation is more complex than has been recognized. Specifically, Madison believed different "styles" of representation are necessary for the House, Senate, and President because of the unique functions served by each institution. "Style" refers both to the nature of the representative-constituency relationship (the "role" of the representative) and the character of the individual most likely to be selected as representative. In Madison's scheme, the proper functioning of each institution is guaranteed only if the method of selection insures the appropriate role is maintained and persons of proper character are selected. Throughout the essay, I note significant differences between the arguments which Madison put forward in the Constitutional Convention and those he defended in the Federalist essays.     

民初宪法会议的困境与破解尝试(1916-1917)

护国运动后,宪法会议在国人期待中召开,却因党争激烈,久议而不能决,制宪工作陷入困境。对此,章士钊再提"调和立国"之法,希望以此破解制宪僵局。"调和"逐渐成为制宪的主流思想主张,为大多数议员接纳,并促成"孔教入宪"等诸多争议问题的解决。然而,该主张却始终无法解决"省制入宪"和"解散权与不信任决议权"等问题,导致宪法会议停滞,国会也因此被再次解散。宪法会议失败的原因在于各党派将自身利益凌驾于国民利益之上,破坏了共同的利益基础,共识难以形成,宪法也就成了镜花水月。     

James Madison,Justice Scalia,and Constitutional Interpretation

James Madison (1751–1836), so-called “Father of the Constitution,” held consistently throughout his long public career to a version of textualism regarding constitutional interpretation. It is surprising that for the author of the authoritative notes of the Federal Convention, Madison downplayed altogether the original intent of the constitutional Framers. From 1796 until his death Madison insisted that if constitutional meaning was to be searched for outside the text, the relevant sources to consult were ratifying conventions of the states, and “other public indications” at the time of ratification. In today's parlance Madison adopted a “fair-meaning textualism” method of constitutional interpretation and rejected the “original intent” jurisprudence favored by some modern-day commentators. This textualism appears to have been the method followed by the late Justice Antonin Scalia. Madison also believed in a living Constitution–one that had life and validity breathed into it by the ratifiers, and hence the people, not by its Framers.     

A New Model of Executive Power: A Montesquieuan Explanation of the Obama Presidency

Abstract

The perennial concern over executive overreach continues well into Obama's presidency, leading many to wonder if the “unitary executive” is here to stay. Discussions of executive war powers focus on three models. The Hamiltonian perspective gives presidents the lead position in foreign affairs; the second model, following Madison, presents Congress as the leader when initiating hostilities. Finally, Jeffersonians present emergency powers as extra-legal, giving presidents a sphere of actions that cannot be contained within constitutional discussions. Problematically, current scholarship implicitly or explicitly grounds these explanations in Locke's political philosophy. This occurs despite a dearth of references to Locke during the Constitutional Convention and infrequent references to his thought during early debates over executive-congressional divisions of war powers. Comparatively, all of these seminal American figures frequently mention Montesquieu, often fighting over the specifics of his theory. While scholars widely acknowledge this influence, they rarely mention him during discussions of war powers or the nature of executive power in general. This article examines the Montesquieuan understanding of executive power and shows how this model represents a viable alternative to the Lockean one. Most importantly, examining the executive from a Montesquieuan perspective provides solutions to current problems that the Lockean perspective does not.     

Using History to Teach Microcomputers

Abstract

Delegate level analysis of the U.S. Constitutional Convention has been limited because the Convention did not record delegate votes. In this article, we introduce the Constitutional Convention Research Group Dataset, which contains 5,121 inferred delegate votes on 620 substantive roll calls at the Convention. The Constitutional Convention Research Group Dataset represents a significant improvement over previous datasets such as those compiled by McDonald (1958) and Dougherty and Heckelman (2009), and datasets based on votes recorded for state blocs (Jillson 1981, 1988).     

A Singular and Awkward War: The Transatlantic Context of the Hartford Convention

This essay argues that the Hartford Convention of 1814–15 unfolded as part of a wide‐ranging and vibrant debate concerning the role of the United States in the turbulent Atlantic community of the early nineteenth century. The author’s approach to the convention stands in sharp contrast to those of other scholars, many of whom have treated the convention as either the last gasp of the Federalist party or as a manifestation of New England’s insularity during the War of 1812. This orthodox view fails to account for the distinctly international quality of the convention. Review of newspapers and pamphlets produced in and around Boston, the intellectual and political center of New England, during the period between late 1814 and early 1815 suggests that for all their ideological differences, both Republicans and Federalists in Massachusetts understood the convention as attempting to negotiate a place for New England in the newly formed international relations triangle that comprised Britain, France, and the United States.     

When a pigmy acts as a giant: the role of the Italian representatives in the Brussels constitutional convention

The Italian representatives in the Brussels Constitutional Convention played a greater role than expected. The Italians, who many thought would be destined to a role as pigmies in the Convention because of ideological differences and the personal mistrust they carried from their domestic arena, acted mostly as giants in the contributions they provided to the final text. The representatives of both the government and the opposition identified a series of points upon which they agreed and which were introduced in the final document. These positions, although not federalist, were much more advanced than those described as ‘intergovernmental’ or ‘confederal’. There were many reasons for this. The deliberative method adopted in the Convention probably helped this convergence. Certainly, the Italians wanted to keep open the dialogue with the main EU member‐states at a moment when the war with Iraq was undermining it, and the Italian representatives in the Convention shared a pro‐European attitude, while this attitude was being called into question in the domestic arena by the Berlusconi government.     

Church, Space and Conflict: Religious Co-Existence and Political Communication in Seventeenth-Century Switzerland

This article sets out to explore how a local quarrel in theGrafschaft of Baden, a bi-confessional Swiss county, occasionedby efforts to install a separate font for Protestant parishioners,activated larger constitutional and confessional tensions betweenthe Catholic and Protestant cantons of the Swiss Confederation.The article reconstructs the lengthy political negotiationscaused by the rearrangement of church space since the Landfriedenof 1531: this treaty had enshrined bi-confessionalism in theSwiss Confederation and had established the duties and rightsof both confessions, although to the disadvantage of the ReformedProtestants. It had also transformed the consecrated space ofthe church into a stage for political action by the cantons.From 1531 onwards, changes in religious belief and observancewere subject to the will of the supreme governing authority.The article shows that local conflicts over the arrangementand furnishing of certain church spaces can give us fascinatinginsights into political practice, the establishment of socialorder and the handling of denominational differences withinthe Swiss Confederation. It attempts to contribute to our understandingof early modern political history by using concepts from culturalhistory and communication theory in which politics is closelylinked to social and confessional processes generating meaningand order.     

A path towards Fascism: nationalism and large-scale industry in Italy (1910–1923)

In the decade before World War I, close connections developed in Italy between the nationalists and major elements of large-scale industry. As the Italian Nationalist Association, founded in 1910, became the main political reference for industrialists, the ties between nationalism and the business community helped to undermine the liberal state and end the political system established by Giovanni Giolitti. During World War I, the Nationalist Association developed close links with the Ansaldo company and supported it in the ‘parallel wars’ of Italian capitalism. Ansaldo went bankrupt in 1921, but the nationalists were able to establish relations with other entrepreneurs. Their connection with large-scale industry lay behind Mussolini’s decision in 1923 to accept the Nationalist Association into the National Fascist Party. Nationalism not only ensured that important economic forces would support the Fascist regime but its ideology significantly contributed to the building of Mussolini’s dictatorship.