Confidence in Political Institutions in Canada and the United States: Assessing the Interactive Role of Region and Race

This article uses nationally representative sample survey data to assess the confidence of Canadians and Americans in four major state institutions: the police; the civil service; the federal government; and political parties. Long-standing arguments suggest that Canadians are more trusting of government than Americans. Results, however, indicate small national differences, with variations within countries being much more important, especially for regional and racial subgroups within each nation. Consistent with their traditional minority position in Canada, Quebecers stand out as having the least confidence of respondents in either nation. In contrast, and despite their minority position, nonwhites express more confidence in political institutions than do whites in both countries, especially in English Canada. One exception is somewhat lower confidence in the police among nonwhites, particularly in the northern United States. The findings demonstrate the need to go beyond an exclusive focus on national differences when comparing political attitudes and values in Canada and the United States.     

麦卡锡主义与美国中国学研究

美国重视对远东和太平洋地区的研究 ,尤其是对中国的研究是随着战后政治、经济、军事实力的大增而兴起的 ,美国对新中国的关注 ,目的是使美国的“中国学”研究 ,从单纯的学术探讨转而公开为美国全球战略、国家利益服务 ,这是战后美国研究中国的一个重要特点。本文探讨的是麦卡锡主义时期美国中国学研究状况。     

Recent trends in the archaeology of the southeastern United States

The archaeological literature pertaining to the southeastern United States is examined for the 5-year period between 1988 and 1992 inclusive. Research traditions identified in an earlier article by Patty Jo Watson (Southeastern Archaeology 9: 43–54, 1990) as characteristic of the Southeast in the previous half-century are considered in light of recent contributions. Topics examined include Mesoamerican connections, trade, pottery typology, historical archaeology, subsistence studies, bioarchaeology, and lithic artifact research.     

美加联盟中的政治与经济利益博弈——以加拿大对华粮食贸易为核心的考察

20世纪50年代末60年代初,面对中国发生的粮食紧缺问题,作为美国冷战盟友的加拿大开始采取自主行动,主动与中国开展粮食贸易。此时美国仍对中国进行政治孤立和经济封锁,加拿大的行为无疑与美国的冷战遏制战略相冲突,美国与加拿大的博弈由此开启。美加双方具有不同的利益诉求,加拿大希望扩大粮食销售市场,解决国内粮食过剩的问题,而美国更看重冷战联盟,并着眼于维护冷战联盟内部的团结,为此在不涉及美国核心利益的问题上向加拿大做出一定的让步。美国与加拿大之间的博弈反映了作为联盟主导者的美国开展联盟管理的困境,也体现了联盟政治与经济利益之间的张力。     

Electoral redistricting and minority political representation in Canada and the United States

This article compares the political representation of visible minorities in Canada and the United States, focusing on differences in federal redistribution (redistricting) practices and constituency composition. Although the two countries both use territorially‐based electoral systems, they operate under different legal standards and institutional environments for the creation of ridings (districts). In the US, redistricting is a highly political process, yet must respect strict population equality standards. Litigation over redistricting is common, and courts adjudicate voting and representation under a constitutional system enforcing strong individual rights. In contrast, Canada's redistribution process is relatively nonpartisan, permits large population variances among ridings, places more emphasis on community rights, and is seldom subject to extensive court challenges. Despite these differences, the two countries exhibit striking similarities in the overall level of visible minority representation relative to population share. Conversely, Canada's population inequalities among ridings create a systematic disadvantage for visible minorities. Political attention to visible minority representation is stronger in the US, but the means to achieve it are constrained both by the judicial limits on group representation and the constitutional limits on the use of racial identity. Canada has a framework for political representation that could easily accommodate significant visible minority representation but lacks the political imperative to use it, in part because doing so would run counter to Canada's multicultural image of these groups as immigrants rather than as non‐white minorities.     

近十年来美英两国学术界冷战史研究述评

冷战主宰了20世纪后半期的国际政治。在后冷战时期,许多国家的学者利用新获得的档案资料来仔细考察和重新评估冷战史。自从冷战国际史项目于1991年在伍德罗.威尔逊国际学者中心建立以来,冷战国际史这一概念,已经被广为接受。根据相关英文文献,对过去十年美英两国冷战史研究新发展、新动向以及冷战史研究现状,做一总结归纳。主要涉及以下几个方面:美国的主要冷战研究中心、研究冷战的资料来源和新的研究方法、学者们关注的热点问题及最新研究成果的介绍、英国冷战研究概况等。     

Religiosity in Canada and the United States: Diverging Paths

Comparing degrees of religiosity, Canada and the US have been moving along divergent trajectories for the past several decades. Regional variations are evident in both societies, but, taken as a whole, the divergence holds up even when these intrasocietal differences are accounted for. Neither the classic secularization thesis nor the more popular religious economy model in the sociology of religion adequately explain the contemporary disparities in religious practice and belief in the two societies. More compelling explanations lie in human security and welfare state models. Canadian and US demographic patterns, particularly internal differences among recent immigrants, are additional explanatory factors. Levels of existential security and immigration trends in the two societies are likely to sustain the divergence in religiosity.     

Undergraduate geography internships in the United States: national survey and case study

Abstract

This paper presents the results of a survey of internships offered in undergraduate geography programmes in the United States and discusses a required internship for undergraduate geography majors at Illinois State University. Our survey reveals internships to be widespread in the United States, and the Illinois State internship programme is one of the few in the country that is a requirement for the major. The programme appears to be quite successful.     

Cross-Border Interest Group Learning in Canada and the United States

Many of the most prominent US interest groups have formal or informal relationships with Canadian groups. Yet groups in the two countries often have little incentive to share political strategies – to learn from each other. This article proposes that such learning can take place only when four factors are present: a stable relationship with governmental institutions; the resources to acquire useful political information; shared issues of concern; and a sense of being part of a well-defined cross-border region. The presence of these factors can promote the creation of enduring group networks, which in turn make cross-border political learning possible. The article presents case studies of environmental and business organizations in the New England/Atlantic Canada region to show the relationship between these determinants.     

近三十年来美国的中国地方史研究

20世纪 70年代以来 ,美国的中国史研究逐渐改变了过去“整体研究”的学术形式 ,掀起了地方史研究的浪潮。尽管这一学术转向尚存在诸多缺陷 ,但它拓展了中国史研究的时间和空间 ,不仅为中国史研究增添了新的内容 ,并在方法论上带来了创新。     

卡特总统与1978年美国文官制度改革

1978年卡特总统的文官制度改革．不仅是20世纪美国历史上的一个重大事件．而且是继1883年《彭德尔顿法》颁布以来美国联邦政府文官制度发展史上的又一个重要的里程碑。这次文官制度改革不仅涉及到联邦政府高级文官结构的变化,中级文官报酬制度的改革,下级文官利益的重新分配等问题．而且也触及到联邦政府文官管理机构的调整与改组。因此．改革不仅影响到联邦政府行政工作效率的提高,而且关系到总统对联邦文官的政治控制。     

论美国文官群体的历史演变

19世纪80年代以来,随着美国历史的发展,以文官制度的逐步完善为契机,文官群体的政治角色、经济地位、价值观念以及社会影响都发生了很大的变化,逐步朝着成为美国社会中的一个独立阶层的方向发展。首先,从"政治附庸"发展到"行政主管",文官群体的政治角色发生转换,其政治势力得以迅速膨胀;其次,从收入菲薄到待遇优厚,文官群体的经济地位得到提升,政府的财政负担也随之加重;再次,从"官本位"发展到"权本位",文官群体形成了带有现代官僚特征的价值取向,同时也开始蜕变为一个有人格缺失的群体;最后,从声名狼藉到公众认可,文官群体不仅扩大了社会影响,而且也在新的层面上形成了真正的官僚主义。     

1971年印巴危机期间美国的难民政策与美印在难民问题上的角力

1971年印巴危机是冷战时代一次具有重大国际影响的地区危机。危机期间,因受东巴内战与印巴冲突的双重影响,大量东巴居民逃往印度,沦为难民。东巴难民持续涌入印度不仅是东巴危机转变为印巴危机的主要诱因,同时也是导致南亚持续紧张、敌对氛围难以消解的重要根源。为妥善解决难民问题,美国积极谋划,投入大量人力、物力、财力,意图妥善解决难民问题,化解危机。但是美国采取的积极措施并未减缓危机冲突的不断升级。在处理难民问题的过程中,美巴政策协调趋于一致,而印度与美巴在难民问题上的政策倾向却渐行渐远。归根究底,是否应该在难民问题上附加最终促成东巴独立的政治条件是美巴与印度的根本分歧所在。而这一根本分歧的悬而未决最终成为引爆第三次印巴战争的导火索。     

后冷战时期马来西亚对美政策评析

后冷战时期,马来西亚与美国展开一连串激烈交锋,两国关系一度非常紧张。马来西亚对美采取强硬政策的原因,包括冷战后国际政治格局变化,美国东南亚政策的改变,以及金融危机后马来西亚的政治和经济安全面临的严重威胁等。但马美经贸关系继续发展,美国还跃升为马来西亚最大的出口市场和外资来源,这与马来西亚成功的外交谋略不无关系。对美政策有效地捍卫了马来西亚的政治和经济利益,提高了马来西亚的国际地位,基本体现了马来西亚当时的国家利益,充分显示了小国外交的智慧。     

20世纪后期美国与澳大利亚移民政策差异性的政治理论分析

论文利用移民政治理论对20世纪后期美国与澳大利亚的移民政策进行比较,并对其差异性进行了分析。认为这两个主要的移民国家都推行了限制性移民政策,但因其移民政治中的"利益导向",受"权利"的制约程度以及移民政策制定程序的不同,从而导致两国的移民政策无论在内容上还是在实际收效上都出现了巨大的差别。据此可以预测两国未来移民政策的趋势:美国将继续在自由主义的道路上前行,而澳大利亚却可以根据国内外政治经济形势的变化灵活地调整移民政策。     

Selling civilization: toward a cultural analysis of America's economic empire in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries

This essay builds on work that is exploring the convergence of economic and cultural approaches to understanding imperialism through an examination of the particular case of American commercial expansion in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Based on my archival research into the promotional and practical strategies of five of the largest American companies that were international in sales, I suggest some of the ways that an analysis of commercial imperial representations of, and knowledges about, race, gender and civilization adds to our understanding of the multiplicity of imperialisms. I argue that examining these multiplicities can help contribute to a critical postcolonial perspective.     

日俄战争期间美国的东北亚政策

本文认为,美国在日俄战争期间的东北亚政策仍然是坚持“门户开放”,但是在实现目标的手段上有了微妙的变化:着重在东北亚推动和构建“均势”格局——挺日、拒俄,建立均势,而不再是前一时期的“追随”欧洲列强,嗣机插足的政策。     

Cinema’s milieux: governing the picture show in the United States during the Progressive era

The regulation of American cinema during the Progressive era was an exercise in governmentality with multiple spatial rationalities operating through networks at multiple scales. Although produced and distributed nationally, moving pictures were consumed locally. The National Board of Censorship governed movie content from New York, where most major film producers were headquartered at that time, yet it was dependent upon the activities of social reformers and officials in cities across the country in monitoring manufacturers’ compliance with its decisions. But as those correspondents often regarded the image on the screen as intimately associated with other aspects of the movie-going experience, local efforts to regulate film often went further, depending upon local concerns about spectators. This paper explores how cinema was problematized in Atlanta and Minneapolis, two regional centers with different sexual and racial politics. It does so by building on recent discussions of spatial rationalities of moral reform efforts, and in this case, how tensions between generative and vitalist spatial rationalities conspired to produce a variable geography of cinema regulation that was networked and multi-scalar, and how these experiments in regulating a new medium of visual communication began to articulate a distinctive perceptual rationality of government.     

美国印度裔族群的形成及其经济成就探析

论文概述了美国印度裔族群艰难的移民历程,分析了其族裔人口在新时期快速增长的原因,并着重探讨了它近年来的经济成就和成功的动因。作为当今美国的一个新兴少数族裔群体,印度裔族群已发展为仅次于美国华人的第二大亚裔族群。尽管其真正意义上的发展开启于美国1965年新移民法案的出台,但它却在短短四十余年间逐步取得了令人瞩目的经济成就,并在收入、商务、个人发展等方面得到了清晰的展现。美国印度裔族群杰出经济成就的取得并非偶然,而是与它族裔整体上的精英特性密切相关,这一特性在很大程度上保证了其发展目标的顺利实现和对美国主流社会的平稳融入。     

Nativity Status and Voter Turnout in the Early Twentieth-Century Urban United States

Running counter to both theoretical expectations and the results of previous empirical studies, recent research has shown that European immigrants voted at higher rates than native-born Americans in urban areas of the United States during the beginning of the twentieth century. The explanation offered for this research finding, based on aggregate-level data, is that the numerical superiority of the immigrants in cities discouraged the native-born population from voting. However, a number of competing explanations could also be offered to account for this same finding. If this finding is valid, it could be attributable to the political machines spurring the immigrants to vote. Or this finding could be a spurious one caused by either the ecological fallacy or a census undercount of the foreign born. The authors, using both aggregate- and individual-level data, confirm that immigrants were more electorally active than the native born in one northeastern city. Their study reinforces the notion that the higher voter turnout of the immigrants was rooted more in demography than other factors.