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1.
《Journal of Modern Chinese History》2013,7(2):185-196
Relations between China and Canada began 150 years ago with the arrival of Chinese immigrants in British Columbia. However, formal diplomatic relations were not established until 1942, when Canada and the Republic of China (ROC) became wartime allies in their common fight against the Axis powers. The Canadian government soon passed a China aid program and earmarked 52 million Canadian dollars in war materials for China. This aid program was not favored by either the United States or Great Britain, but was unilaterally adopted by the wartime Canadian government. However, shipments of war materials destined for unoccupied China were blocked by geographic barriers and could not reach their destination. Canada's China aid program continued during the immediate post‐war years. The main motivation was economic: to get rid of Canada's surplus war materials and to develop bilateral trade relations. The aid program came to a halt in late 1948 only when China's political development made the Canadian government change its China policy. Afterward, Canada's diplomatic relations with ROC were stringently maintained until the Canadian government granted diplomatic recognition to the People's Republic of China in 1970. This article is a brief survey of the Canada–ROC relations during those years. 相似文献
2.
Governing relations between people and things: Citizenship, territory, and the political economy of petroleum in Ecuador 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Ecuador is the fifth largest producer of petroleum in Latin America. Petroleum has brought prosperity to many Ecuadorians, effectively becoming the nation's most important natural resource. It also has inspired intense political mobilizations. While the best known of these are led by Amazonian indigenous peoples, petroleum has also generated other important but not as well-recognized mobilizations. This paper focuses on the political mobilization of Amazonian agricultural settlers and petroleum workers in relation to petroleum. While these actors do not share common livelihood or cultural struggles, the discourses that frame their mobilizations in relation to petroleum have common elements. Their dissatisfaction with the political economy of petroleum in the 1990s and 2000s, for example, generated high profile protests and civil unrest that centered not on stopping production, but on demanding a more ‘responsible management’ of petroleum by the state. The paper brings together political economy, mechanisms of subject formation, and the material qualities of petroleum to explore how petroleum production in Ecuador has shaped common views on citizenship among these actors that center on petroleum as a site of regulation of social life. 相似文献
3.
Benno Gammerl 《European Review of History》2009,16(4):523-549
This article focuses on the role of ethnic inclusions and exclusions in administering citizenship and nationality within the British and the Habsburg Empires. The analysis discerns three ways of dealing with ethnically heterogenous populations. One follows the nation-state model and aims for internal ethnic homogeneity and legal equality. This model coined developments in Canada and Hungary. The second obeys an imperialistic pattern and implements legal discrimination between different ethnic groups. It played a decisive role in East Africa and in Bosnia to a certain degree. The third model follows a statist logic and enforces either supra-ethnic neutrality or a politics of recognition. It was most influential in Austria and India. In the British as well as in the Habsburg context ethnic differences gained significance around 1900. This ethnicising of law and administrative practice produced different results, though, in both cases, mainly due to the empires' divergent political structures. Whereas within the Habsburg Empire the three models were juxtaposed, British law and administration came to be dominated by the imperialistic pattern of ethnic discrimination against ‘non-white’ subjects. Thus, the customary distinction between a politically inclusive nationalism in Western Europe and an ethnically exclusive one in the continent's Eastern half – sometimes linked with the difference between ius soli and ius sanguinis – cannot be upheld. 相似文献
4.
培养近代国民是国民国家建设的重要目标,同时具备民族特质和公民特质是国民的内在属性。甲午战争是日本进入近代以来的第一次大规模对外战争,"印刷资本主义"的出现和发展形成了能够构成民族共同体的舆论条件。战争与媒体交互影响,使"日本人"的自我意识得以强化,对外形成了对朝鲜和中国的优越感和蔑视感,军人被英雄化、神圣化,围绕战争也形成教育方式多样性,民众由此达成了对天皇和国家的认同,甲午战争成为近代日本国民"民族"特质的重要标志。 相似文献
5.
James Onusko 《The American review of Canadian studies》2013,43(2):138-149
Political satire and parody continue to influence young adult viewers to a greater degree than traditional political or hard news shows. Soft news has become increasingly important in the category of political entertainment television shows. These shows discursively integrate political information, humor, entertainment and the news. Soft news programs often emphasize public policy issues in their programming while sensationalized, tabloid-style reporting has come to define many segments of Canadian hard news programming. Using Stuart Hall's three main categories of reading televisual cultural texts, this article critically analyzes the Rick Mercer Report. I argue that despite some significant shortcomings and limitations, the Rick Mercer Report does make an important and unique contribution to political entertainment television in Canada. 相似文献
6.
1889年至1947年间,加拿大基督教新教长老宗在卫辉一带借医传教。根据不同时期政局、民情状况及传教士自身特点,他们先后经历了用药品"裹挟"其福音的谨慎发展阶段,边行医边传教、"疗灵"与"疗身"互为手段、互为目的、交叉渗透的"黄金"发展阶段,以及行医与传教貌离神合的深入推进阶段。"疗灵"与"疗身"始终既存冲突又相互渗透。 相似文献
7.
‘Shew Yourselves as Men’: Gender,Citizenship and Political Propaganda in the 1773 and 1774 Worcester Election Contests
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Alvar Blomgren 《Parliamentary History》2017,36(3):346-360
This case study of the 1773 and 1774 election contests in the city of Worcester investigates how members of the local oligarchy, and the political opposition to that oligarchy, drew on contemporary discourses on citizenship to convince the electorate that their candidate would become a worthy representative of their city in parliament, and to refute the claims of their opponents. Since independence was absolutely essential to the voters’ identities as male householder citizens, this became the main issue of conflict. The candidate of the opposition interest, Sir Watkin Lewes, sought to establish himself as the guardian of the independence of the citizens of Worcester against the corrupt corporation. The candidates of the corporation, Thomas Bates Rous and his successor, Colonel Nicholas Lechmere, instead claimed that Lewes was the real threat, as his anti‐corruption campaign deprived the voters of the usual fruits of the election. While such claims also entailed an appeal by the local elite to the financial interest of the voters, the need to justify this incentive ideologically, and the high portion of voters who turned their backs on their patrons, does suggest the power embedded in the concept of citizenship in the political life at the level of the localities. Gendered and classed conceptions of citizenship, furthermore, were employed as offensive weapons in the political propaganda surrounding the elections, as each faction sought to discredit the other by claiming that they were neither manly enough, nor of the proper social status, to qualify as worthy political subjects. Thus, citizenship was not only fundamentally gendered in the masculine, but also highly hierarchical and equally intertwined with contemporary notions of class. 相似文献
8.
中国佛教史学是一个复杂的融合体。它既有佛教因子的影响,也有中国传统文化的痕迹,如易学、玄学、史学、理学等思潮对中国佛教史学形成与发展有着巨大的影响。本文即在佛教与中土文化融合的大视野下,以中国传统文化为切入点,着重阐释中国宋代佛教史家如何将中土传统文化融入到佛教史学视野中,从而成为中国佛教史学一个要素。 相似文献
9.
韩炅 《中国历史地理论丛》2011,26(4)
2011年2月19日到20日,在美国中南部的阿肯色州州会小石城举行了"中国历史的地理视角国际学术研讨会",藉以推广地理学在传统汉学界的影响。本次会议由阿肯色州大学小石城分校(University of Arkansas,Little Rock)组织,得到了中国大陆、中国台湾、英国、德国、白俄罗斯与美国等各地学者的高度重视。19日全天开会,总共提交12篇论文,论点创新,时地跨越很广,从古代到当代,从华西北到华东南,收获相当丰富。主要演讲者是伊利诺斯州大学芝加哥分校(University of Illinois,Chicago)的何特勒(Laura Hostetler)和哈佛大学(Harvard University)的包弼德(Peter Bol)。20日上午包弼德举行颇有启示的讲座,即关于"中国历史地理信息系统"的研究与教学实用。 相似文献
10.
Jennifer L. Gauthier 《The American review of Canadian studies》2013,43(4):451-472
This article surveys the literature on the Supreme Court of Canada following the 1982 introduction of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, and argues it has taken place in three distinct “waves.” The first involved tentative, prospective, and normative arguments about the impact of the Charter on national unity and Canada’s political institutions. The second was characterized by the legitimacy debate, the dialogue debate, and qualitative examination of how other political actors responded to Supreme Court decisions. By contrast, the third wave, initiated by American scholars drawing from American research, has been less normative, more comparative, and methodologically rigorous. While this comparative shift has been beneficial, the retreat from normative questions contributes to a misplaced sense that important debates are now settled. We urge scholars to engage in intellectual cross-fertilization by drawing from third-wave contributions to address normative questions about the Supreme Court’s increasingly important role in Canadian politics. 相似文献
11.
服装是社会变迁的组成部分.中国城镇服装以社会大文化的发展为依托,伴随生活方式、价值观念以及行为规范的变化而变化.改革开放以来,随着国家政治经济文化的健康发展,服装开始脱离社会政治和革命范式,凸现自身发展固有的逻辑.同时,中国人的审美观念不断更新,在整体上趋于西化,服装的自身功能日趋彰显.但回首过去,中国特有的、在短时间内形成民众服装急剧变革、走向革命化的现象,颇耐人寻味.在人类历史上,恐怕还没有一个民族将服装当作革命的对象、形式和重要内容,这一现象与中华民族的历史、文化、精神密切相连,是值得深入研究和长久反思的. 相似文献
12.
博物馆藏书结构与博物馆业务研究密切相关。本文分析了河南博物院图书室的性质、作用和藏书结构与业务研究的关系,提出了如何解决现有矛盾的对策。 相似文献
13.
JOHN MORRILL 《Parliamentary History》2011,30(2):193-214
This article investigates an episode in 1652 which is usually ignored and has never been explained. On 19 May 1652 the Rump Parliament, without forewarning, voted not to renew the office of lord lieutenant and thereby stripped the lord general, Oliver Cromwell of one of his highest and most significant offices. The article seeks to penetrate the wall of silence in the press and in the parliamentary records to see what lay behind this decision, which split the Commons down the middle. It seeks to relate the decision to two very different visions of the settlement to be imposed on Ireland following the rebellion of 1641 and the ‘Cromwellian conquest’ and it suggests that it is likely that the subsequent act of the Rump, which sought the execution of tens of thousands of Irish royalists, the exiling of many tens of thousands more and the herding of almost all of the rest of the catholic population into four counties in the west of England – known to history as the ‘Cromwellian settlement’– was precisely a settlement Cromwell did not want. 相似文献
14.
潮龙起 《华侨华人历史研究》2010,(2):41-53
论文勾勒了早期美国华侨的赌博情形,分析了他们参赌、设赌的各种原因和社会危害,探讨了华侨社会、中美两国政府对华侨赌博问题管理和控制的效能。作者认为,早期大部分美国华侨热衷于赌博,主要是赌博为特定历史场景中的华侨提供了一种重要的社会活动方式,被他们视为实现黄金梦的一条捷径。经济利益的驱动致使华侨热衷开设赌馆,也使华侨堂号勾结警察,暴力护赌。赌博对美国华侨社会的危害是巨大的,它使一些华侨不能履行自己对家庭的义务和责任,还引发了吸毒、盗窃、"堂斗"等其他社会问题。在控制赌博的行动中,由于华侨社团和中国驻美领事权力有限,威望不高,而华侨赌商和堂号与美国警察互相勾结,致使禁赌行动难有成效。 相似文献
15.
在炎帝传说流衍的过程中,逐渐形成其长于姜水、都陈与葬于长沙的说法。诸说之间似乎缺乏必然的联系,但均有历史与文化的渊源。早在先秦时期,炎帝传说在东、西方流传之时,亦有缘起于南方说流行。随着东汉后期三皇五帝系统整合工作的完成,以及魏晋时期以现实生活中的帝王为标准,对传说中古帝王的生平事迹、都城、陵墓所在等关键环节的再次整合,尽管依旧保留着相当浓郁的传说色彩,然而炎帝的人格化倾向却日益凸现,这是古代帝王传说演变过程中一个值得关注的历史文化现象。姜水、陈与长沙,似乎可以被理解为炎帝传说流衍过程中三个重要的地理标志,各地不同的炎帝传说借此得以整合,最终形成一个与黄帝并称的华夏民族始祖形象。 相似文献
16.
社会时代对于人们认识历史的活动有着强烈的影响。中华人民共和国成立70年来,随着社会的发展,思想与生活的变迁,五四运动研究也相应地经历着某些值得关注的变化。特别是在运动的性质、领导权、与传统文化及西方文化的关系及某些关键人物的评价等问题上,不同时期的社会政治状况与思想倾向均对学界的相关认识与评价发生着明显的、强烈的影响,使之随着社会时代的发展而在不断地衍变。总地看来,70年来学界对五四运动的认识是愈来愈深入,愈来愈全面了。唯物史观认为,社会意识形态是社会经济、政治及社会生活的反映。历史认识是意识形态的重要内容,现实社会状况对于历史学研究的影响或制约也相应地更为明显。人们对于五四运动认识与评价的衍变证明着这一点。 相似文献
17.
《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(6):647-661
Two political geographers examine significant ways in which northern-tier states of the EU-10 entrants in 2004 have challenged conceptions of European integration. The paper first focuses on the institution of exclusionary citizenship regimes, particularly in Latvia and Estonia, that created a new caste of "non-citizens" within the EU's boundaries. It then turns to the strained Polish-EU relations involving inter alia the war in Iraq, pro-Americanism, and alleged violation of human rights through the purported existence of CIA detention and interrogation facilities. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: F02, O15, O18, 2 figures, 1 table, 72 references. 相似文献
18.
OLIVER ZIMMER 《Nations & Nationalism》2011,17(4):756-774
ABSTRACT. This article highlights two processes that shaped Swiss nationhood in the long nineteenth century. The first concerns the competition between different nation‐states and the nationalist visions these contests engendered. In a Europe dominated by the norm of the culturally and ethnically homogenous nation, the Swiss authorities, public intellectuals and various political representatives were desperate to display an image of national authenticity to the outside world. The result was a nationalism that combined voluntaristic and organic elements. In the second and main part of this article, the focus turns on citizenship; it is conceived not only as a social and legal institution, but also as a cognitive prism through which people defined their membership in the national community. Remarkably, the authority in granting national citizenship to foreign nationals remained firmly in the hands of the cantons and, above all, the Swiss municipalities. In practical terms, this meant that the Gemeinde provided the institutional and cognitive frame through which nationhood was primarily experienced, imagined and defined. While Switzerland represents a particularly strong case of a communalist polity, it should not be treated as unique. Instead, it should alert us to a potentially fertile yet little‐explored area of research: what might be called the communal embededdness of the national(ist) imagination. 相似文献
19.
“自下而上”:当代中国农村社会研究的社会史视角 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
从互助组到人民公社体制结束,是一个前后相继、不可割裂的时代。从"自下而上"的社会史角度对此进行研究,可以纠正以往研究的缺失,丰富我们对新中国历史的认识。中国社会史研究应当引入到现当代史的研究,这亦是社会史研究应有的社会关怀。 相似文献
20.
C. Jason Throop 《Oceania; a journal devoted to the study of the native peoples of Australia, New Guinea, and the Islands of the Pacific》2009,79(2):179-201
ABSTRACT This article examines how the ideals of self‐monitoring, self‐reflexivity, self‐restraint, and self‐governance, as well as assumptions pertaining to the mastery of the body, its movements, and forms of expressivity, lie at the heart of one of Yap's (Federated States of Micronesia) most important aesthetic institutions ‐ the dance. In so doing, it suggests that Yapese dancing and the forms of self‐vigilance that are associated with it can be understood as implicated in the formation of a distinctly Yapese moral modality of being. That is, Yapese dancing ‐ including its performance and appreciation ‐ plays a role in helping individuals craft particular forms of feeling, thinking, appreciating, judging, imagining, and behaving that are consonant with local understandings of the good person, the good life, and right action. A polite and agreeable exterior was maintained at all times to reveal nothing of internal mental states. Yapese frequently played games testing each other's abilities to keep their concentration and sense of restraint. Spectators at a Yapese dance who had forgotten themselves and had become enthralled by a particular dancer were singled out and reminded to chew their wad of betel (mu ko bu'), much to the delight of all present. 相似文献