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The education sector has virtually disappeared from the Congolese state budget since the mid‐1980s. Yet schools have both managed to survive on school fees and to reproduce the public education sector, even though complete privatization would have been a realistic option. In this article, the authors understand this engagement with the state whilst simultaneously bending its rules as a negotiation strategy for better terms of inclusion in the state system. Different state actors cultivate their ‘own’ practical versions of official rules. In this way, they create space to respond to parents’ demand for education, to increase the number of teachers and their salaries far beyond what would otherwise have been possible, and to reproduce the system over time. One may wonder, however, whether the resilience of the sector in the face of the implosion of the state budget does not come at the price of building a more inclusive and higher quality education system.  相似文献   

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Are states with more centralized approaches to education governance more likely to have higher student achievement and lower achievement gaps between poor and nonpoor students? This article addresses that question by theorizing about the effects of political, administrative, and fiscal centralization on student outcomes. It tests competing hypotheses about the degree to which centralization across these three dimensions is associated with the promotion of academic excellence (higher achievement) and equity (narrower achievement gaps). The results demonstrate the virtue of studying academic performance through the lens of governance and more distal system‐level variables rather than, as has been common in the literature, more narrow policy‐oriented measures. The findings show that strong relationships exist between student outcomes and the degree of political centralization and administrative centralization in a state, yet there are no apparent associations with fiscal centralization. The results also illustrate that governing arrangements are not consistently related to the advancement of excellence and equity. In terms of administrative centralization, specifically, apparent trade‐offs may exist.  相似文献   

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State science policy is industrial policy, shaped by local research and industrial strengths or, conversely, lack of same. States with research strengths relevant to local declining industries attempt to link them in an effort to revive the latter; states lacking research strengths attempt to develop them, especially in areas relevant to local natural resources that have the potential to be the basis of new high-tech industries. Such knowledge-based industrial policies supplement, even if they do not replace, traditional strategies focused upon: (a) creating economic activity based upon natural resources such as harbors or mineral deposits, (b) improving the business climate by lowering taxes, or (c) attracting industry to relocate by offering subsidies. The role of the federal government in science-based industrial policy is still controversial even as it is widely accepted in the states as part of traditional responsibilities for their citizen's economic welfare.  相似文献   

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We examine how the United States' response to the situation in Bahrain can be differentiated from that in Libya and Egypt based on a comparative content analysis of the U.S. administration's press releases, remarks, and interviews during the first three months of the Arab Spring movement. Our findings indicate that although the level and duration of violence were comparable, the U.S. government response was strikingly different with the support given to the Bahraini government, in contrast to the critical stances adopted towards Libya and Egypt. We explain how the United States' lack of political incentive to act and concerted support by its allies were influential factors for the United States' differentiated policy during the Arab Spring.  相似文献   

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Voluntary environmental governance arrangements (VEGAs) are designed to minimise negative outcomes through the use of collectively agreed arrangements. They have attracted a large literature, but issues remain unresolved, especially regarding their effectiveness. This article takes up a small part of this challenge of mapping the role of VEGAs in larger systems of environmental governance by examining the development and implementation of a range of VEGAs in the Australian building sector, here defined as the construction and use of buildings.

人们设计了自愿环境治理计划,意在通过集体认同的安排尽量减少消极结果。它吸引了大量文献的关注,但问题依旧是问题,特别在效率方面。本文试图回答其中一小部分问题,通过考察其在澳大利亚建筑部门(这里定义为建筑和建筑物的使用),看看自愿环境治理计划在更大的环境治理中究竟扮演什么样的角色。  相似文献   


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唐小松 《史学集刊》2001,38(2):79-84
研究60年代的美国对华政策,必须先考察决定这一时期美国对华政策的核心理念,即“观念”,学术界似乎没有涉及这方面的讨论。1961—1968年间,美国民主党政府形成了对中国的四个基本观念:确认中国的现实存在;中国共产党敌视美国,富有侵略性,威胁美国的利益;中国经济危机导致粮食紧缺,社会动荡;中共内部权力斗争激烈,当权派受到挑战,政局混乱。承认中国的“现实存在”,表明美国政府意识到,必须尝试新的对华政策出路。但美国对华政策的基本出发点是,期望中国的“混乱”局面能推翻现行“敌视”美国的领导层,催生新一代“务实派”领导。然而,整个60年代,一片骚乱过后,中国并没有出现美国想要的结局,最终美国排除了对中国改变政策的可能性。  相似文献   

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Rasoul Namazi 《Iranian studies》2019,52(1-2):111-131
This paper argues that the mature form of the political doctrine of the Ayatollah Khomeini (1902–89), Iranian Shiite religious authority and architect of the Islamic Republic of Iran, grew out of an encounter with the modern understanding of the state and the concept of sovereignty. Khomeini’s political doctrine, called the Absolute Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist, although based on a religious foundation, should be studied as a break with the traditional understanding of political power in Shiism. It will be argued that such a political doctrine can play the same role as the Christian rhetoric of the early modern political thinkers played, pave the way for modernization of Shiite political thought, and prepare the ground for a modern temporal conception of politics.  相似文献   

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