社会转型中的制度供给与需求--民初国会失败原因再探讨

民初建立的包括国会在内的一整套民主共和制度是一种供给主导型的制度变迁,这种变迁模式的成败取决于提供制度变迁的权力主体是否具有权威和理想。这一制度第一供给主体是南京临时政府,他们有理想但缺少权威,第二供给主体是北京政府,他们有权威但无理想。国会作为民主政治生活中限制个人独裁、维护公民权利的根本措施,就无法成功地在中国运行。制度需求的缺失也是造成国会失败的原因之一,但不是主要原因。     

论九一八后行政院的机构调整与改革(1932-1937)

九一八事变后,国民政府行政院为应对危机,在内部动力与外在压力之下进行了机构调整与改革。主要内容是机构调整与人员裁并,目标是提高行政效能,树立政府威信。行政院的机构调整与改革具有延续性,以谋求稳定的政治局面为取向。在派系矛盾严重的政治环境中,这一时期的行政院机构调整与改革未能深入进行,但为抗战时期的机构改革建立了一定基础。     

新时期中国共产党民主集中制建设的理论与实践

改革开放30年来,以邓小平为核心的中共第二代中央领导集体,针对过去相当长一段时间离开民主讲集中的错误,恢复和坚持党的民主集中制,并提出"民主集中制的中心是民主"等重要理论,具有拨乱反正和创新的重大意义;以江泽民为核心的中共第三代中央领导集体,提出在社会主义市场经济新条件下完善和发展党的民主集中制的重要理论,开辟了党的民主集中制建设的新境界;以胡锦涛为总书记的中共中央以健全民主集中制为重点,加强党的制度建设。把民主集中制建设推向一个新的发展阶段。     

The Origins of Tunnage and Poundage: Parliament and the Estate of Merchants in the 14th Century

By establishing the dates and political context of all early grants of the subsidy of tunnage and poundage, this study provides new evidence for the relationship between parliament and the so-called 'estate of merchants' during the third quarter of the 14th century. Until the 1370s, tunnage and poundage was granted by the king's council with the assent of groups of merchants; it was only at the end of Edward III's reign that grants of the tax began to be made in parliament, and only from the mid 1380s that it became fully integrated into the customs system. Throughout the period of experimentation, the subsidy was intended for a specific purpose: the defence of the coasts and of English shipping. This partly explains why the crown chose to discuss it with groups of mariners and merchants rather than with the Lords and Commons in parliament. The chronology therefore calls into question assumptions about the collapse of the estate of merchants in the 1350s and the take-over of its fiscal and political agenda by the burgesses in the parliamentary Commons. Through an analysis of petitions made in the name of the 'merchants of England', it can be shown that crown and parliament alike continued to recognize this group as a distinct political entity for the rest of Edward III's reign. The decisive shift came not in the 1350s but in 1382, when the merchants themselves acknowledged that the appropriate place to determine the crown's financial policies was, indeed, in parliament.     

Parliament as Viewed Through a Woman's Eyes: Gender and Space in the 19th‐Century Commons

The 19th‐century house of commons is traditionally viewed as a masculine space overlooking the presence of female tourists, waitresses, housekeepers, servants, spectators, and residents. This essay demonstrates that, even when formally excluded from the Commons, women were determined to colonize spaces to witness debates. In the pre‐1834 Commons they created their own observation gallery in an attic high above the chamber, peeping through a light fitting to listen to parliamentary sessions. After 1834, they were accommodated in their own galleries in the temporary and new house of commons, growing increasingly assertive and protective of their rights to attend debates and participate in parliamentary political culture. Far from being exclusively male, parliament was increasingly viewed through women's eyes.     

闽台财政改革与各方权力纠葛--雍正朝台湾县知县周钟蠧案解析

雍正三年,台湾县知县周钟蠧被控贪污,由于牵涉到闽台财政改革的大背景,此案引起了雍正皇帝的高度关注,并演变为震动闽台官场的一桩大案,涉案人等都被卷入了皇权与地方官员博弈的大漩涡。案件的审理过程,伴随着闽台财政改革的全过程,从清查仓谷亏空,到耗羡归公和养廉银制度化的最终完成。透过考察周钟蠧案,闽台地区财政改革的过程得以完整呈现。在皇权的强势施压下,闽省官员提出的耗羡归公方案显得仓促而草率。     

Of Vines and Policy Vignettes: Sectoral Evolution and Institutional Thickness in the Languedoc

We argue that the search for rural regimes in particular localities can be usefully advanced through the deployment of a sensitive and suitably nuanced conceptualization of institutional thickness. Empirical validation of this theoretical framework with reference to Languedoc viticulture offers substantial evidence of the interdependency between regime building maintenance and stability, and local institutional integrity. The theoretical framework developed here, based on the notions of consensus and concrete institutions , also provides an analytically rigorous approach for understanding the complex rescaling of the political economy of rural governance, not least by offering some indication of the scalar rationale for consensus compatibility and partnership building between elites situated at different politico-geographic scales. We contend that an understanding of this shared logic of action among local and extra-local administrative and political elites is crucial to the restructuring process unfolding in European rural regions.     

State,Parliament and Empire in the Mid 18th Century: Hudson's Bay and the Parliamentary Enquiry of 1749

In 1749, the house of commons appointed a committee of enquiry into the lands and trade of Hudson's Bay. This was the climax to nearly 20 years' work by the Ulsterman, Arthur Dobbs, which focused first on renewed search for a northwest passage and later widened to attempt to expand trade and settlement by challenging the monopoly of the Hudson's Bay Company. Dobbs's Irish patriotism, linked by support for union with Britain with his remarkably expansive vision of British empire, became concentrated on this campaign with a zeal and tenacity which overrode contrary evidence based on experience. Propaganda pamphlets, mobilisation of compatriots, merchant and political contacts, briefs for MPs, marshalling of evidence and witnesses for parliamentary committees, 30 petitions from a variety of places, organised by Liverpool and Bristol merchants who took the lead in the final campaign: all were used to attempt to influence parliament. This was an impressive mid-century effort to promote British commerce and manufactures, actively supported by the parliamentary opposition which was reviving under Leicester House leadership. Yet, while this campaign could shape the report of the committee of enquiry, the House itself was not so easily moved, especially when public expenditure was likely to be involved. A motion arising from the report was decisively defeated. The impressive campaign came to nought. While it indeed reveals powerful visions of commercial and imperial expansion in the mid 18th century, the outcome suggests that realism and scepticism prevailed at the heart of the state.     

The Political Mistress: Intimacy,Emotion, and Parliamentary Politics in the Late 18th Century

Between c.1796 and 1809, Lady Harriet Ponsonby, Countess Bessborough and Lord Granville Leveson Gower were embroiled in a passionate affair. Their liaison created tensions in aristocratic society because they belonged to rival political parties, the Whigs and the Tories respectively. In the early years of their relationship, Leveson Gower was emerging on the political scene, while the countess was already well-versed in the complexities of party politics. Leveson Gower thus solicited her advice and support and Bessborough duly shared her knowledge and insight into the political world, which created an unusual dynamic that scholars have yet to explore. This article examines several letters that Bessborough wrote to Leveson Gower to analyse how she supported her lover's fledgling parliamentary career and how she navigated their political differences. I argue that Bessborough adapted a rhetoric of affection, deference, duty, and loyalty, that was typically used by aristocratic wives, to justify her interest in her lover's career and her passion for parliamentary politics. This article contributes to scholarship that explores aristocratic women's political participation by examining the strategies a political mistress could employ to exert influence over men. It also illustrates the value of using methodologies from the history of emotions to investigate the drives and passions that shaped interactions in the late 18th-century political sphere.     

秩序与生产:新区土改中的政策表达

随着革命胜利和新中国的建立,发展生产力和工业化成为战略目标,由此新区土改的重心体现了从翻身到秩序和生产的转向。针对新区农村地权分配和阶级划分的复杂情况,党和政府对于相关政策进行了认真的调查,作出了周密的规定和详细的阐释,各地政府还根据中央的法令对土改政策作了灵活的、符合实际的调整,稳定了社会秩序,促进了农业生产。     

60年建构与改革:渐行渐近的农村社会保障制度

新中国成立初期,国家在为城镇职工提供较为完备的社会保险项目的同时,在农村构建起了以集体经济为基础、以集体保障为主体的复合型社会保障制度。此后,中国农村社会保障制度在其变迁过程中呈现出路径依赖的惯性特征。60年的建构与改革,中国农村社会保障制度渐行渐近,逐步建立了独立于"生产系统"之外的社会化的保障制度,并不断趋向城乡一体化社会保障的目标模武。     

梳理中央文件与农村改革的辩证关系及理论创新——《一号文件与中国农村改革》评介

我国的改革是从农村实行家庭承包经营制度大面积铺开的。30年来,党和政府十分重视农业、农村和农民问题,先后出台了一系列政策、措施。中共中央国务院《关于2009年促进农业稳定发展农民持续增收的若干意见》于2009年1月发出,这是改革开放以来关于"三农"工作的第11个"一号文件"。抚今追昔,回顾前面10个中央"一号文件",对于认识农村改革与发展的历程,加强农村制度建设、发展现代农业、发展农村公共事业,在新形势下推进农村改革发展具有重要的意义。     

Teaching and Social Reform in the 1960s: Lessons from National Teacher Corps Oral Histories

Abstract: This article draws on oral history narratives to examinethe beliefs and expectations that brought a group of young peopleto the field of teaching in the 1960s through the National TeacherCorps (NTC). The oral histories address the identities, politics,aims, and backgrounds of a dozen NTC participants. By situatingthe voices of these young people within a larger social andhistorical context, the article uses oral history testimonyto reconsider existing accounts of social reform movements andteaching in the 1960s and early 1970s. Specifically, the oralhistories allow Teacher Corps participants to emerge as individualswho represent an important if largely unexplored populationthat took part in 1960s movements toward greater equality andsocial justice and who embraced the unique perspective thatteaching in ordinary schools serving poor and minority studentscould offer meaningful opportunities for grassroots, socialreform activity.     

退休制度——新时期干部人事改革的重大成果

在历史的新时期,中共十一届三中全会确定党的政治路线、思想路线之后,以邓小平为核心的中共中央立即着手解决党的组织路线——特别是培养接班人问题。在这个过程中,为解决中青年干部的进和老干部的出,建立了老干部离退休制度。这个制度立足现实,意义深远,是新时期诸多改革特别是干部人事制度改革的一项重大成果。     

The Impact of Back Benchers in the Creation of Social Reform: The Indefatigable and Honourable Exertions of Mr Gilbert*

During the 18th century, back-bench members of parliament played a critical role in creating social policy. This article provides a case study of the political campaigns of the Lichfield MP, Thomas Gilbert, and his attempts at a comprehensive reform of the poor law in 1765 and 1782. These individual endeavours were energetic, sophisticated, but unallied to a particular agenda or based on Gilbert's original perspectives. Instead, he harnessed the power of local interests and extra-parliamentary forces, particularly magistrates, through the adept use of print culture in his later campaign to form social policy based on a broad political consensus. A skilled political operator, he used these same methods to help navigate his bills through parliament. To better fit the context, the campaigns were moulded around political expediency and influenced by the development of Gilbert's humanitarian reputation and the burgeoning of the press, parliamentary reporting, and political debate. The political environments of 1765 and 1782 were, therefore, different, and broader trends influenced the two campaigns. This article demonstrates the importance of the press to political campaigning and suggests that to be successful (in social policy at least) a would-be reformer was required to engage with a developing participatory political culture. However, given Gilbert's approach, the importance of ideology as a basis for social reform in an 18th-century context is questioned.     

‘With All My Oldest and Native Friends’. Joseph Parkes: Warwickshire Solicitor and Electoral Agent in the Age of Reform1

Joseph Parkes, Birmingham solicitor, electoral agent, whig party advisor and secretary to the Parliamentary Municipal Corporation Commission was a modern master of exposing corrupt and fraudulent electioneering and using it as a catalyst for the election of reform and Liberal politicians immediately following the 1832 Reform Act. Warwickshire's own political and legal history was the foundation for Parkes's understanding of how politics worked in Britain and what was wrong with it, and helped forge his vision for an effective reform in parliamentary and local government. This essay examines Joseph Parkes's understanding of national electoral politics, informed by his work in Warwickshire. As a local solicitor, Parkes gained the wisdom of controlling electoral registration, canvassing in a routine and orderly manner and establishing a network of professionals to secure that registrations turned into votes at elections. This experience would culminate in the formation of the Reform Club, a national organisation of whigs, Liberals and radicals, that would, eventually, become the base of the Liberal Party in modern British politics. In short, Joseph Parkes was a man who could not, and did not wish to, escape where he came from, at least in terms of his political education. His Warwickshire experiences and lessons learned, solidified a series of political reform goals that he pragmatically approached as a political advisor, operative and attorney, rather than an elected public servant, and marked the direction of politics for the rest of the century.     

中国古铜镜在日本早期国家政权形成中的作用——兼论日本出土的三面画文带神兽镜

日本古坟时期众多的墓室里出土了大量中国古铜镜,它们是三国时魏明帝赐给日本邪马台国女王卑弥呼的铜镜,这些铜镜帮助和佐证了日本大和王权的建立,并对日本三角缘神兽镜产生了巨大的影响和作用。     

非动力性与动力性的合奏——新时期中国农村改革后蓬勃发展的纵向条件分析

20世纪70年代末80年代初中国农村改革顺利铺开,并取得了举世嘱目的成就。但这并不仅仅在于当时农民的探索、地方官员的默许以及中央控制的放松和政策的支持。如果从社会发展的纵向来分析,这一时期的中国农村与50年代初期相比,已经具备了推进改革的较充分的历史条件,而正是有了这些历史条件,中国在这一时期进行的农村改革,才能够顺势启动并迅速发展,从而实现了中国农村"水到渠成"的伟大历史转折。