20世纪六七十年代我国的战备和边防工作

正20世纪六七十年代,严峻的周边态势对中国的国家安全构成严重威胁。为维护国家主权和安全,中央制定了积极防御的军事战略方针,通过全民动员,大办民兵;布局纵深,建设三线;防范突袭,加强防空;备战备荒,深化训练等举措加强战备工作。与此同时,中国积极打造国防建设的杀手锏,提高军队技术装备水平。在条件极     

20世纪六七十年代中国战备的回顾与思考

从20世纪60年代初起,国际形势发生了新的变化,大国关系重新调整,中国周边安全环境日趋恶化,国家安全面临严重威胁。为了抵御侵略,中国采取了一系列重要的战备措施:针对脆弱的战争支持系统,集中力量进行三线建设,建立起了国防战略大后方,战略物资储备初具规模;根据反侵略作战的需要,完善了国防工程体系的建设:初步建成了比较完善的国防交通体系、全国通信网络和后勤保障体系;国防尖端武器研制取得重大突破,常     

“本土安全”思想对中国近代海疆安全战略的影响

本土安全是近代中国海疆安全战略的终极目标。由于战略目标的局限,中国虽然拥有具备远洋作战能力的海军,但却无法在海军军备建设、军力部署,以及战略战备等方面摆脱海岸防御战略的影响。受本土安全思想的影响,中国的战略决策者在甲午战争中屡失战机,而近代中国海疆安全战略体系也因此崩溃。     

早期抗战的重要机构——国防设计委员会述略

国防设计委员会是一个针对日本侵略而进行国防准备的秘密机构.它延揽了大批国内精英层的人才,在军事、国际关系、文化教育、经济与财政、边疆问题、资源与工业制造、交通与通信、土地与人口等方面做了大量的调查统计和研究工作.作为早期抗战准备的重要机构,国防设计委员会凭借其集中的专业人才,对当时的中国社会进行了首次比较全面系统的调查,经办了一些重要的工矿企业,为国防战备和战后中国的经济建设打下了基础.     

新中国70年国家安全观的演变

新中国成立以来,面对国内外安全环境的变化,中国实现了由传统安全观向总体国家安全观的演变,显著体现在安全环境研判、安全内容认知和安全维护手段三个方面。中共十八大以来,中国在安全方面频繁推出新理念、新方案和新举措,中国的安全能力不断增强,国际安全影响日益增加。在安全观方面,中国先后提出了总体国家安全观、亚洲新安全观、亚太安全观等理念,实现了安全观的变革与创新。     

建国初期"联苏抗美"国防战略思路论析

建国初期"联苏抗美"的国防战略是"一边倒"外交战略的延伸,但不能将两者混淆。"一边倒"外交战略着眼点在于社会制度的一致和意识形态的价值取向,"联苏抗美"的国防战略着眼于国家安全和国防巩固,它的提出既有历史经验的因素,更取决于新中国国家安全环境;它经受了历史的检验,证明是一个符合当时新中国国家安全利益的正确的决策,应给予充分的肯定。     

毛泽东向两极格局的挑战——60年代的中国外交

60年代,在整个新中国外交史上是一个孕育着重大战略调整的特殊时期。说到这一时期中国外交的成就,首先。顶住了美苏两个大国的巨大压力,捍卫了中国的主权和国家安全;其次,借助于中苏论战。最终摆脱了由苏联控制的封闭落后的社会主义阵营,在第三世界发展中国家站稳了脚跟;第三,充分利用美苏争霸带来的历史性机遇,对西方发达国家作了大量耐心的工作,并调整受到极左思潮破坏的外交战线,为中美关系的缓和作了充分的准备。     

揭秘网络部队

近日,中国国防部宣布,中国已经建立了一支网络部队,这支部队的主要作用是提高中国的信息化安全水平。近年来,宣布建立专门网络部队的国家并不算少。从2008年开始,美国、德国、以色列等国家都相继宣布成立专门的网络部队,并且宣称准备     

全国民族自治地区地方志工作会议开幕词

全国民族自治地区地方志工作会议今日开幕。 这次会议,是由国家民委、新疆维吾尔自治区地方志编纂委员会和中国地方志指导小组三家联合召开的。 为了开好这次会议,新疆维吾尔自治区的党、政府和自治区地方志编纂委员会,配合我们做了许多准备工作。我谨代表国家民委和中国地方志指导小组向新疆维吾尔自治区的党、     

新中国70年国家安全观的演变

正新中国成立以来,面对国内外安全环境的变化,中国实现了由传统安全观向总体国家安全观的演变,显著体现在安全环境研判、安全内容认知和安全维护手段三个方面。中共十八大以来,中国在安全方面频繁推出新理念、新方案和新举措,中国的安全能力不断增强,国际安全影响日益增加。在安全观方面,中国先     

Imagining an Indian National Security Strategy: the sum of its parts

India’s power and interests continue to grow in the Indo-Pacific region and globally, yet its national security policymaking approaches have not kept pace. These may have been barely adequate for India’s twentieth-century experience as a regional power tending towards strategic restraint, but currently constrain India from being able to harness its considerable national capabilities to protect larger and more complex interests. This article identifies five key obstacles to a more coherent and effective approach to national security: lack of staffing depth in policy and intelligence; weak structures for ensuring inclusive consultation in policymaking; a disempowered military when it comes to strategic decisions; a lack of security expertise among civilian officials and politicians; and an absence of whole-of-government guidance in making and expressing policy. Many reforms are necessary, but two enabling early steps are identified and recommended: the creation of a Chief of Defence Staff position to elevate military coordination and authoritative input to policy, and the preparation of a National Security Strategy to define and guide overall policy.     

论中国国家安全利益区

本文介绍了国家安全利益的概念,阐述了我国国家安全利益的基本涵义;并分析了国家安全利益区的性质特征,提出了确定国家安全利益区的基本原则和一般方法。     

Organising cyber security in Australia and beyond

The Internet is an interconnected network and cyber security requires collective action. How that action is organised has important implications for national security, including the defence against cyber attacks and malicious activities. This article explains the origins and institutionalisation of cyber security in Australia—particularly ‘civilian cyber security’. The authors trace the origin of Australia’s first computer emergency response team and explain how this organisational form spread from the USA. Through it, Australia helped enable international cooperation. Domestically, however, the authors argue that the Australian government has struggled with the delegation, orchestration and abdication of responsibility for civilian cyber security, underinvesting in civilian organisations while overrelying on military and intelligence agencies. The history of this organisational field provides valuable insight into how to improve national policy and operations for cyber security.     

也谈影响中国出兵朝鲜决策的因素

对于一个新生政权的国家领导入而言,国家安全无疑是最重要、最敏感的国家利益,但是朝鲜战争爆发以后美国的介入以及战争的不断升级,导致中国领导人的安全感逐步丧失,不安全感不断加深,并最终作出抗美援朝的决策。从中国领导人对国家安全程度的主观感受及思路来看,中国决定出兵朝鲜实属情理之中的决策。     

Humanitarian security regimes

This article introduces a novel concept, humanitarian security regimes, and enquires under what conditions they arise and what is distinctive about them. Humanitarian security regimes are driven by altruistic imperatives aiming to prohibit and restrict behaviour, impede lethal technology or ban categories of weapons through disarmament treaties; they embrace humanitarian perspectives that seek to prevent civilian casualties, precluding harmful behavior, protecting and ensuring the rights of victims and survivors of armed violence. The article explores how these regimes appear in the security area, usually in opposition to the aspirations of the most powerful states. The existing regimes literature has mostly taken a functional approach to analyzing cooperation, lacks a humanitarian hypothesis and does not explore the emergence of new regimes in the core area of security. The author argues that in the processes of humanitarian security regime‐making, it is the national interest that is restructured to incorporate new normative understandings that then become part of the new national security aspirations. This article intends to fill this gap and its importance rests on three reasons. First, security areas that were previously considered to be the exclusive domain of states have now been the focus of change by actors beyond the state. Second, states have embraced changes to domains close to their national security (e.g. arms) mostly cognizant of humanitarian concerns. Third, states are compelled to re‐evaluate their national interests motivated by a clear humanitarian impetus. Three conditions for the emergence of humanitarian security regimes are explained: marginalization and delegitimization; multilevel agency, and reputational concerns.     

Public–private partnerships in national cyber‐security strategies

Despite its centrality in the national cyber security strategies of the US and the UK, the public–private partnership is a nebulous arrangement, which is especially problematic in the context of critical infrastructure protection. Privately owned and operated critical infrastructure that is regarded as a potential national security vulnerability raises questions about the allocation of responsibility and accountability in terms of cyber security. As with many aspects of cyber security, this issue is often discussed with little reference to previous scholarship that could provide conceptual scaffolding. This article draws on the extensive literature on public–private partnerships in order to assess the tensions and challenges of this arrangement in national cyber‐security strategies. It finds that there is a serious disjuncture in expectations from both ‘partners’. The government regards privately owned and operated critical infrastructure as a key element of national security but is reluctant to claim a mandate to oversee network security. At the same time, the private sector is not inclined to accept responsibility or liability for national cyber security. This challenge for governments to manage national cyber security raises questions about how well equipped these states are to promote their own security in the information age. Acknowledging the flaws in the ‘partnership’ is an essential step towards addressing them.     

论我国西部开发中的国家安全战略问题

对于一个国家而言,国家安全是生存和发展的核心。在不同的国际秩序中,安全环境的内容和结构具有不同含义。在当代国际政治经济格局下,国家安全的内涵与外延都发生了巨大变化,为国家安全的研究提出了新的课题。本文主要从国家安全的角度,通过分析西部开发在当代我国安全环境中的作用,指出西部大开发不仅要有经济开发战略,而且要树立综合性开发战略意识,加强政治、军事、科技、生态等现代安全因素的开发建设,这对我国国家安全战略更具有现实意义。     

Cadence,war and security

An increased incidence of attack has been identified as a major characteristic of the new threat posed by terrorist groups such as al Qaeda. This article considers what such a change means for Western national security systems by examining how different parts of the system change over time. It becomes evident that Western national security systems are structured on an assumption of comparatively slow state-based threats. In contrast, terrorist franchises operate at a faster pace, are more 'lightweight' and can adapt within the operational and capability cycles of Western governments. Neither network-centric warfare nor an improved assessment of the threat, called for by some, offers a panacea in this regard. Rather, it is clear that not only do Western governments need to adjust their operational and capability cycles, but that they also need a greater diversity of responses to increase overall national security resilience and offer more tools for policy-makers.     

Searching for energy independence,finding renewables? Energy security perceptions and renewable energy policy in Lithuania

Lithuania's electricity sector has one of the EU's highest dependency rates, with about seventy percent of consumed electricity being generated abroad. This high rate was accentuated by the fact that until 2015 the dependency was on a sole country, namely the Russian Federation. With virtually no primary energy resources of its own, Lithuania progressed from a pro-nuclear to a renewable national energy strategy in just one decade. Based on the revised Copenhagen Securitization School, this article analyses energy security perceptions as a factor that determines the recent turn in Lithuanian energy strategy. Our findings show that renewable energy policy was shaped by the perception of potential energy security threats, but in contrast to the theory of securitization we identify achieving a high degree of perceived energy security as the primary enabler of renewable energy. The analysis of political processes leading to two distinct national energy strategies (2009–2012; 2013–2018) shows that rather than renewable energy being installed because of the energy security concerns related to the high dependency rate, it was the desecuritization of energy supply which allowed the turn to a renewables-based strategy. Only after a certain level of perceived energy security was established by linking up to the European energy landscape, Lithuania found it permissible to base its national energy strategy on renewables. The findings shed light on Europe's geography of (de)securitization, an East-West split within the European Union in terms of renewables and energy security. On the basis of our findings we conclude that the current geopolitical crisis in Eastern Europe is greatly affecting this geography, possibly to the detriment of the transition to renewable energy.     

旅游安全网络关注度区域差异研究——基于中国31个省市区旅游安全的百度指数

基于2009-2012年全国31个省、自治区、直辖市的旅游安全网络关注度的百度指数,采用泰尔指数测算方法,分析全国旅游安全网络关注度的区域差异特征,研究发现:1旅游安全网络关注度总体呈现出平稳增长态势,但相比我国互联网上网人数还较小;2区域间、区域内和以省际为单元的旅游安全网络关注度差异显著;3区域间旅游安全网络关注度差异是造成以省际为单元的旅游安全网络关注度差异的主要原因,区域内旅游安全网络关注度对以省际为单元的旅游安全网络关注度的贡献率很小;4西部地区的旅游安全网络关注度省际规模位序低于中部、东部地区,东部地区旅游安全网络关注度指数一直靠前;5整体上,2011-2012年全国和三大区域的旅游安全治理信息的网络关注度较高,所占比重最大;中部地区对旅游安全治理信息的网络关注度明显高于东部和西部地区;2011年和2012年东、中、西部三大区域假日旅游安全信息网络关注度所占比例较接近。