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1.
金山国建立时间再议   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
本文论证了P.2094题记“于唐天复八载岁在戊辰四月九日”中的“于唐”二字可证金山国不可能成立于天复八年(908)四月之前,敦煌文书中有关张氏归义军最后一次朝贡活动的记述表明金山国的建立不会早于使团归来的909年,而北宋邵雍《皇极经世书》中“己巳……张奉以沙州乱”的记述又证明其时金山国已经存在,敦煌文书中保存的天复十年题记不足以证明金山国成立于其后,故主张有关金山国成立时间的惟一最合理解释只能是公元909年。  相似文献   

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五代宋初之际的曹议金、曹元忠、曹延禄祖孙三代都曾经与西域于阗政权进行过政治联姻,其主要目的是为了遏制了甘州回鹘政权向河西走廊西端的扩张,而且要借助于阗政权的力量去开通向中原政权朝贡政治之路的通畅。本文利用敦煌文献,采用文献细读的方法,将呈现碎片化的曹氏归义军政权曹元忠、曹延禄与于阗的联姻线索,试图进行实证性的梳理,尤其是解释了促成归义军与于阗联姻的政治因素。  相似文献   

3.
敦煌曹氏族属与曹氏归义军政权   总被引:9,自引:0,他引:9  
曹氏在汉宋之际的敦煌是著名的姓氏 ,对两汉与五代、宋朝敦煌地方政治影响极大。敦煌曹氏的渊源有二 ,来自中原内地与来自中亚粟特。本文对汉代以来胡汉两支曹氏的渊源和势力发展进行考察 ,在此基础上推考归义军节度使曹议金的族属郡望 ,最终认定曹议金家族是中亚粟特曹氏的后裔 ,五代初年夺取归义军节度使后冒充谯郡曹氏 ,藉以抬高门第 ;曹氏归义军政权实际上是以粟特人为主建立的政权 ,而此一时期莫高窟藏经洞所体现的敦煌文化正是粟特族为主的各民族共同创造的  相似文献   

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本文论述了曹氏归义军时期敦煌石窟艺术诸如在石窟建筑、壁画艺术、重修情况等方面的程式化表现 ,并以曹氏归义军时期“画行”“画院”、曹氏政权自身特点、五代宋时敦煌佛教的世俗化与社会化、曹氏重修活动等方面探讨这一时期石窟艺术程式化表现的原因  相似文献   

5.
(一)早在1943年,日本学者藤枝晃先生发表《沙州归义军始末》,提出曹仁贵为曹氏归义军第一任节度使问题。①1980年,日本出版由众多敦煌学家共同编写的煌煌巨著《敦煌讲座》,在第二卷《敦煌历史》中,这一观点被认可,特别是由当时的青年学者森安孝夫所写《回...  相似文献   

6.
敦煌石窟所见天公主考辨   总被引:4,自引:2,他引:2  
本文对敦煌石窟所见到的几位“天公主”的身份及其之间的相互关系进行了考辨 ,指出了敦煌石窟中的“天公主”现象 ,是曹氏归义军时期民族关系的产物  相似文献   

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此文主要根据P.3718《梁幸德邈真赞》等敦煌文书及传世吏书中的相关记载,探讨了曹氏归义军清泰元年入奏活动的某些情况.其一,归纳了该使团自清泰元年七月离京西返至到达张掖之前的各主要时间节点.其二,认为回鹘人主要是因贪图沙州使团携带的财物而扣留了使人,但并未杀害梁幸德,梁的直接死因是疾病.其三,认为与三州使团一同西行的还有前来宣诏的后唐使臣,他也被回鹘滞留于甘州,故刚刚接掌归义军正面临重重困境的曹元德遂修撰P.2992v第一通书状,极力争取回鹘能放天使西来.  相似文献   

8.
曹氏归义军时期,敦煌政权的势力范围仅限于瓜、沙二州。归义军节度使府衙位于沙州,沙州又被称作"上州"。瓜州刺史慕容归盈、曹延恭先后在瓜州长期执政。由于地理、姻亲、政治等因素,导致归义军政权内部形成了瓜州派系。沙州府衙试图限制瓜州派系势力,曹元忠在瓜州增设会稽、新乡二镇就是相应的举措。以曹延恭为代表的瓜州派系获得了瓜州慕容家族等的支持。最终,瓜州、沙州之间的矛盾难以调和,曹宗寿利用瓜州军队发动了政变,推翻了归义军节度使曹延禄的统治。"瓜、沙之争"是曹氏归义军衰亡的重要原因。  相似文献   

9.
张承奉在其主政敦煌的后期一度建立了西汉金山国。在金山国创建之际,国中曾有人动议举行郊祀。由于史料缺乏,对于金山国是否真正举行过郊祀之礼,目前还难以确知。本文结合敦煌文献与传世文献,经推理认为,金山国时期具备举行郊祀的多种有利条件,应该举行过郊祀礼仪。  相似文献   

10.
归义军政权后期沙州地区出现了"沙州蕃族"(沙州回鹘)部落。曹延禄时期"沙州蕃族"部落与归义军政权关系良好,曾经为归义军出使中原担任导引。随着沙州回鹘的壮大,他们不仅在外交上帮助归义军政权,还可能参与了归义军的内政,支持曹宗寿推翻节度使曹延禄的统治。曹贤顺时期"归义军政权"与"沙州回鹘"联合进行外交出使活动,并且"归义军—沙州回鹘联盟"名义上奉曹贤顺为最高首领。敦煌曹氏归义军政权逐渐衰落,代之而起的是沙州回鹘政权,曹氏归义军逐渐衰亡的过程也是沙州回鹘崛起的过程。  相似文献   

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Concerns about climate and energy security are leading to increased government intervention in the energy sector, in particular as they relate to the choice of energy supply options. While many of these options will improve both energy and climate security, many measures will benefit one while harming the other. This raises an important question for governments and energy planners: how can conflicts between climate and energy security be resolved? This article outlines some of the barriers and problems that may arise as governments and companies try to address climate and energy security concerns simultaneously in various energy supply areas. It concludes by arguing against choosing one objective over the other, and by outlining steps that can be taken to help resolve conflicts between the two agendas.  相似文献   

13.
1938年.我出生在金沙江畔一个叫巴塘的小县城里。生在哪一天.至今不知道.因此.六十多年过去了.我从来也没有过过生日。  相似文献   

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Abstract

It is argued that Psychological research on 'race' and 'ethnicity' issues presents a number of ethical problems. These relate to the sociopolitical impact of such research, particularly when it purports to find differences of an 'innate' character; to the use of naive subjects, particularly children, in research which is aimed at demonstrating their 'inferiority'; and, within the academic community itself, to the working relationships between researchers who believe in 'innate' 'race' differences and colleagues belonging to allegedly 'inferior' groups – this being particularly significant within a teaching environment. Although the 'race differences' question has a long and controversial history, ethical issues relating to the research process itself have received less focused attention. Moreover, replacement of the genetically obsolete concept of 'race' with the idea of 'ethnicity' does not solve the problem entirely, and the term 'ethnicity' is itself unsatisfactory in several respects.  相似文献   

16.
This essay reflects on the relationship between anthropological and historical scholarship of ethnicity, picking up on themes explored by Andre Gingrich, by considering the epistemological and evidentiary limitations of social scientific and historical analysis and reconstruction. Beginning with the consideration of the pioneering transdisciplinary efforts of Robert Darnton and Clifford Geertz, it argues that many of the weaknesses ascribed to such efforts are actually part of the nature of social scientific investigation which, in the terms of Peter Winch, must take into account two sets of relationships: that of the relationship between the scientist and the phenomena that he or she observes and the symbolic system that he or she shares with other scientists, which can only be understood from the social context of common activity. How these two relationships challenge social scientific analysis of ethnicity are examined through a consideration of the difficulties of applying Anthony Smith's definition of an ethnie to either Fredrik Barth's classic essay on “Pathan Identity and its Maintenance” or Helmut Reimitz's study of Frankish identity. It concludes that neither anthropologists nor historians are simply describing societies as they are or as they were but rather attempt to describe societies as witnesses within them thought they should be, and we do this for our own society, not for those of the participants, past or present.  相似文献   

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In what follows, I attempt to show that a look at some curious examples of translations from European texts makes us think about issues in translation theory and post-colonial theory from a slightly different angle. The metaphor of translation can very well be employed for understanding the relation between European texts, and some texts and some social and political practices in India in the colonial period, and this in turn helps us look critically at what I shall call our fuzzy post-colonialism. I also argue that Walter Benjamin's metaphor of translation as the after-life of a work can be extended to posit two basic modes of after-life.  相似文献   

20.
"9·11"事件后,冷战后的国际政治格局发生了重大变化.其最大特征可以概括为以下两点:第一,确立了以唯一超级大国--美国为核心的以反恐为普遍主义的全球性安全阵线;第二,美国的爱国主义、民族主义戏剧性地高涨起来.就像当时有人强调因为全世界有60多个国家的人在世界贸易中心工作,所以对世贸中心的攻击就是对全世界的攻击那样,在美国国民中普遍存在着这样的观点:因为美国社会自身就是世界的缩影,所以星条旗也可被看作是超越一国国界的全人类的普遍象征.  相似文献   

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