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所谓国有财产(Biens Nationaux),指的是大革命时期由国家出售的所有动产和不动产。国有财产按其来源可分为二大类:一类来自教会财产和部分王室财产,另一类来自被没收的,包括大革命时期所有的流亡者、被判刑者、被放逐者以及拒绝宣誓的教士的财产。在大革命史编纂学中,前者被称为第一源国有财产(Biens nationaux de la premiere origine),或教会财产,后者被称为第二源国有财产(Biens nationaux de la deuxième origine),或流亡者财产。 相似文献
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法国宗教战争与欧洲近代政治思想的产生 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
在欧洲宗教改革的研究中,有一种矛盾的现象:一方面大力肯定宗教改革运动,称之为第一次资产阶级革命,特别推崇加尔主义的资本主义性质;另一方面,忽视或贬低法国宗教改革和法国宗教战争(胡格诺战争),还往往强调其贵族性或反动性。加尔是法国人,他一生中最关心的是法国的宗教改革,他的学说也产自法国的特定环境,这些明显的事实被惊人地忽视 相似文献
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在中世纪的欧洲社会,新婚夫妇举行婚礼时,新郎要在教堂口当众宣布赠给新娘一笔财产(一般是指土地)。其用意是,倘若丈夫首先撒手西去,守寡的妻子可以以此作为生活的来源,享用终生。这就是寡妇产,或称遗孀产,其数量通常是亡夫财产的113。 相似文献
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《Post-Medieval Archaeology》2013,47(1):150-162
AbstractThe importance of this town house in a small Kentish river port lies in the survival of both architectural and historical evidence, providing complementary lines of enquiry. During restoration the original plan and the internal arrangements of this late 16th- or early 17th-century house were recorded. From documentary searches the successive owners of the property and their inventories describing the contents of individual rooms were traced. 相似文献
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Mark Hickford 《The Journal of imperial and commonwealth history》2013,41(2):175-206
What is often referred to as a common law doctrine of aboriginal or customary title neither underpinned imperial policies towards Māori property rights in the 1830s and 1840s nor was it viewed as a settled or broadly accepted legal doctrine. Rather, critics of imperial policies applying to New Zealand deployed these legal sources in order to challenge and influence the workings of imperial policy on British settlement within New Zealand. The particular emphasis of such policy was on disciplining the extent of such settlement and providing a land fund from crown grants. Imperial policy-makers did not endorse these legal sources despite their use in the decision of the New Zealand Supreme Court in Regina v Symonds (1847). In this context, there was no consensual legal view or approach as to the nature or content of indigenous property rights. Ultimately, in the face of disagreement, diverse views of the nature and extent of Māori property rights persisted. The perceived non-justiciability of such rights meant that political spaces rather than the courts were of ongoing significance to characterising and debating such rights. 相似文献
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Joshi V 《Journal of contemporary history》2011,46(4):832-853
This article juxtaposes three types of illegitimate motherhood that came in the wake of the Second World War in Nazi Germany. The first found institutional support in the Lebensborn project, an elite effort to raise the flagging birth-rates, which at the same time turned a new page in the history of sexuality. The second came before the lower courts in the form of paternity and guardianship suits that had a long precedent, and the third was a social practice that the regime considered a ‘mass crime' among its female citizenry: namely, forbidden unions between German women and prisoners of war. Through these cases the article addresses issues such as morality, sexuality, paternity, citizenship and welfarism. The flesh-and-blood stories have been culled from the Lebensborn Dossiers and Special Court files, as well as cases from the lower courts. 相似文献
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Mona Fawaz 《Development and change》2009,40(5):827-852
Drawing on Lefebvre's theorization of space in order to examine the compatibility of neoliberalism and the right to the city, this study investigates how the formation of informal settlements since the 1950s had provided low‐income dwellers in Beirut (Lebanon) a means to conceive of and engage in city making (neighbourhood production, management, and organization) at a time when state regulations and/or market constraints would have excluded them from the city. It also examines how the prevailing neoliberal ideology of the 1990s, as translated through Lebanon's sectarian‐clientelist regime, is curtailing these possibilities. Evidence for the article was drawn from interviews with dwellers, developers and public officials, as well as from archival searches and aerial photographs. 相似文献
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This paper argues that geographers ought to pay closer attention to the role of property relations within political liberalism. Developing on the idea that propertied-citizenship excludes houseless or other property-insecure people from space, the paper argues that property-insecure people are instead incorporated within the relations of property. Examining how houseless people are incorporated within rather than outside of property, illustrates how key values of property long-held in liberalism are maintained and used to devalue a sense of social and political autonomy for the property-insecure. After tracing the dialectical relations of property with citizenship through the historical emergence of American liberalism, the paper examines how the values connecting property with citizenship continue to diminish the livelihoods of houseless people. Based on ethnographic research with self-governed houseless encampments in Portland, Oregon, I analyze how opposition to these unique types of houseless shelter affect encampment residents. What we are able to see from Portland's encampments, I argue, are the broader limitations of citizenship within liberalism which continue to be demarcated through a proper social order defined by property. 相似文献
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《Journal of Geography in Higher Education》2012,36(2):214-221
Abstract The study of industrial location has undergone several changes of emphasis. Neo‐classical location theories have been supplemented by studies based on the locational behaviour of individual firms. In turn, the value of these has been challenged by those of a structuralist persuasion. In order to engage in the resultant academic debates in an informed way, students need to know how specific businesses use geographic space. Ways of enhancing their knowledge by linking documentary searches with group presentations and field days are described here, both in general terms and by means of a case study. 相似文献
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Zahira Aragüete-Toribio 《History & Anthropology》2017,28(2):211-234
The article discusses how relatives of left-wing Republicans killed and buried in mass graves by Francoist groups during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) recompose the stories of violent death of their ancestors in connection to documentary evidence that emerges during the search for their human remains. Mass grave searches have taken place in the midst of a process of historical investigation that has brought families, historians, activists and archaeologists together in order to document and seek official recognition for these extrajudicial executions. In so doing, they have also prompted the circulation of personal papers and official Francoist files that bear poignant information about the victims. Both sets of documents converge in the family archive, eliciting different re-readings and acts of memory. The article considers how familial interactions with these material sources attempt to grasp and recreate a history of loss marked by rupture and filled with absences. It also explores how such historical and familial uncertainties marks the experience of disappearance in the Spanish context. 相似文献
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Nicholas Blomley 《对极》2004,36(4):614-641
Many contemporary neo-liberal urban programs are enacted in order to protect private property, structured according to a logic of property, or designed to extend the workings of private property to public domains. My focus is on the latter, especially in relation to the principles of Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED). Here, residents are encouraged to act in a proprietary way toward public space in order to expel anti-social forms of behaviour. Drawing on Oscar Newman's analysis of "defensible space", I document the link between CPTED and certain characterizations of property—that property is largely synonymous with private property, that it is communicated to others through clear acts, such as gardening, and that it is, or should be certain and clear. These principles, I note, echo hegemonic accounts of property. Perhaps for this reason, defensible space principles remain important to neo-liberal urban governance. I document their significance in relation to attempts to create a "Community Greenway" in inner city Vancouver. Drawing from interviews, I demonstrate that while residents did, indeed, lay claim to public space, they did so in complicated and collectivized ways that depart from the privatized certainties of neo-liberal notions of property. Such complications are also echoed in other accounts of defensible space. I conclude by urging geographers to take property more seriously, yet also acknowledge the overlapping and collectivized ways in which people can lay claim to urban space. 相似文献
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In recent years, high school students have been subjected to greater levels of drug searching and surveillance on school grounds. The effect of such searching is potentially wide-ranging, because public schools "play an important role in socializing students according to the norms and mores of society" ( Vergari, 2000 ). Using the "morality politics" framework, this study reports and analyzes the presence of random, suspicionless drug searches in the Nebraska public schools. Whereas most studies of morality policy have focused on the state as the unit of analysis, we consider the perceptions, attitudes, and behaviors of principals in regards to drug policies in schools. Our findings, based on a survey of 181 high school principals, reflect several features of morality policy. There has been a significant rise in the number of random drug searches, despite the principals' observation that these measures neither lessen drug use nor catch perpetrators. The most important predictors of drug policy are pressure from local sources, perception of the problem within the community (but not the schools), and the racial composition of schools. Principals articulate limited concern for student rights, and students largely accept searches without resistance. In the discussion, we consider these findings in light of recent court rulings and introduce the potential ramifications of waging the drug war in our nation's classrooms and hallways. 相似文献
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职务过失犯罪是业务过失犯罪中的一类。由于职务过失犯罪的行为人在从事公职的过程中亵渎自己的工作职责,严重侵犯国家机关及其他国有单位的正常活动,侵犯公共财产、国家和人民群众利益,故学界普遍主张对职务过失犯罪应从严惩处。为了加强对职务过失犯罪的处罚力度,从刑法理论的角度分析刑法处罚职务过失犯罪的现状、进行中外刑事立法的比较研究、论证从严惩治的法理、提出完善刑事立法的建议是十分必要的。 相似文献