清末民初地方社会整合格局的变化

晚清以降,在内忧外患交侵之下,乡族自治传统下的地方社会秩序陷入困境。随着国家扩张权力需要的增强和地方资产阶级化新兴士绅的倔起,一种以国家与新型地方精英的合作为基础的新的地方权力格局呼之欲出。当然,由于传统势力的牵制以及国家权力与地方精英权力之间的张力,清末民初的地方权力重建过程充满了复杂的纠葛与冲突。     

权力“属性-结构”视角下民族旅游社区精英的变迁特征及机制研究

社区精英直接决定着社区治理和旅游发展的方向和效果。文章以贵州省黔东南州黄岗侗寨为案例地，构建基于权力“属性-结构”的民族旅游社区精英分析框架，探究社区精英的个体和群体变迁特征并归纳其机制。研究发现：（1）旅游驱动下社区精英的经济资本市场化、知识资本应用化、文化资本公有化、政治资本集中化、社会资本利益化特点显著；（2）政治精英和经济精英权力作用范围扩大，知识精英权力作用转型，传统精英衰退且作用范围缩小，精英呈现家族式集聚的特征；（3）社区精英权力关系网络结构紧密且互动频率增加，政治精英的网络中心性地位凸显，精英作为中间人频次增多且角色日渐丰富；（4）社区经济和社会结构变革、旅游市场需求规模化增长、特有的社会关系与民族传统、权力资本特性等因素合力推动了民族旅游社区精英权力属性和权力结构的变迁。     

地方精英与边疆治理:以改土归流后滇中哀牢山区“三属地”的礼化实践为中心

清代哀牢山区"因俗礼化"的实践堪称改土归流后边疆治理的样板。随着改土归流及边疆内地化的推进,云南哀牢山腹地多民族聚居的"景镇新三属地"的范围缩小到了景东、镇沅、新平三县交界的三角地区。地方精英在山庄经济的土壤里产生,并积极回应国家"德教"与"声教"的治理策略,通过讲圣谕、刊善书、兴学校、禁盗匪、制规约、解冤结、开道路等方式,将当地变成人文蔚起、民族关系和谐的"礼乡"。这一礼化实践是国家政策与地方精英对策之间互动交融的过程,尤其是地方精英能动作用释放的过程,是一种基于多元民族文化自性与自觉的边疆治理路径。     

士绅构成要素的变异与乡村权力——以20世纪三四十年代的晋西北、晋中为例

“地方精英”只是西方话语的一个研究表达,而不是乡土社会的存在实体表达。无论是基于中国历史化资源还是基于社会现状,“士绅”这一话语所包含的历史价值和认知意义,都不是“地方精英”的话语所能替代。在20世纪前期剧烈的社会政治变迁中,士绅仍然成为乡村权力结构的主体,只是此时的士绅构成却并非局限于功名、身份,其来源和出身已呈多元化趋向。士绅阶层的构成要素已有所变异,然士绅之传统功能和角色却并无质的变化。士绅话语仍然揭示着民国乡村权力的结构性特征。当然,构成要素的变动虽然也展示着社会结构的变化趋向,却只是在原型中有限地扩充。     

民国时期地方精英的乡村治理及其归宿探析——以20世纪三四十年代宛西为例

<正>地方精英理论是西方学者首先提出的。美国社会学家米尔斯(C.WrightMills)认为,"精英"是指居于社会统治地位的权力集团,确切地说,是指少数高智能的人们,他们居于社会上层,拥有较高的个人素质并运用大量社会和政治权力,以此与大众相区分。[1]民国时期,地方精英实际上在地方舞台上(县、尤其县以下)起着支配作用",地方精英具体到20世纪二、三十年代的宛西[2]精英,应包括自治领袖、民团首领、基层区镇保长中小学校长,以及部分     

城隍庙的钟声:昌邑民元“五·一八”惨案深描

昌邑民元"五·一八"惨案俗称"杀秃子"。从表面看来,这一事件起因于剪辫这一近代中国历史上重要的习俗变革,但以1907年的昌邑县城图为切入点的深描则表明:它根源于国体变动之际地方上激烈的社群冲突以及与政治象征的复杂关系,以士绅为主的传统精英与以"新学界"为代表的新潮精英之间的冲突是其主要特征。此事袒露出帝国体制下的地方社会生态,以城隍庙为中心的暴动方式不仅与地方民俗有关,更是极具文化意味,诸如士绅、吏役等因素则是在地方近代史中长时间存在的棘手问题。     

从提点刑狱司制度看宋代“路”之性质

提点刑狱司是宋朝首创的专门化的路级司法、监察机构。是继转运司后设立的又一个对州县进行监管的重要路级机构。从提刑司制度所反映出的宋代路级机构某些共性的特征来看:它们具有较固定的行政管理区划,处于地方一定的行政管理层级之中,有大量的行政处置权力。因而宋代的"路",尤其伴随着中央下放除监察权外的大量行政权力到转运、提刑等机构之后,可以被认定为是州县之上的一级正式行政管理层级和行政区划。宋代的"路"是一种权力多源化、分权制衡、集权于中央的新型地方行政体制,是宋代政治精英们对中国古代地方行政制度建设所做出的创新和贡献。     

军事化与土匪化:近代豫西南地方势力的变异北大核心CSSCI

晚清以降,区域性军事力量(晚清督抚势力、湘淮军、民国军阀)迅速崛起,成为影响近代政治走势的重大因素,同时造成了民间势力的异化及其对地方政治的影响。近代豫西南地方社会结构的变化导致民间势力迅速“匪化”。一方面,与官府联系紧密的地方精英在编练团练、防匪自卫的过程中逐渐掌控地方武装,民间军事化尤其是绅权“武化”的色彩日益明显;另一方面,普通乡绅在社会资源的争夺中处于边缘地位,他们为了在衰败的社会环境中求生存,开始与地主豪强甚至匪股联合。这两方面的因素加剧了豫西南民间势力的“土匪化”进程。     

南京国民政府治鄂初期湖北地方势力的演变

民国时期的湖北地方势力以软弱、无能与分化为特征。建立强大的湖北地方势力是鄂籍精英的一贯追求。蒋桂战争爆发后,“鄂人治鄂”风潮再起。在蒋介石等南京国民政府要人积极运作下,湖北政局在此后数月间冲突不断。湖北地方势力先后丧失鄂军根基与省内“剿匪”主导权,并发生大规模分裂。湖北省政府主席何成濬仅能通过收编外省杂牌军组建在湖北的基干力量,未能如愿成为团结湖北地方势力的中心人物。湖北地方势力无法改变自身软弱、无能与分化等特征,难以成为维持湖北地方秩序的主导力量。继北洋政府之后,南京国民政府也以强力干涉湖北地方势力的演变为前提,在统治初期奠定自身统合国家的地缘结构基础。     

声音

“美术馆可能成为艺术品的坟墓。”——近日，中国美术学院孙振华教授对美术馆的现状表示了担忧，“美术馆里所崇尚的只是精英化的艺术，它还不是真正的公共领域，不是鼓励真正辩论的地方，也不是活的艺术正在发生的地方。同时，艺术藏品也因为进入美术馆而失去了它和社会生活、历史文化的整体联系，成为了一个孤立的欣赏品。”     

Mission boys, civilized men, and marriage: educated African men in the Missions of Southern Rhodesia, 1920-1945

This paper examines what marriage may have meant to African men within the Christian elite of Southern Rhodesia. Using mission and government sources, it argues that domestic, Christian marriage was important to elite African men as a way of allowing them to achieve adulthood while remaining in good standing with mission sponsors who generally objected to or feared indigenous ideas of patriarchal male adulthood. Tracing life histories of two American Board of Commissioners of Foreign Missions ministers, one who succeeded in remaining within the mission system and one who left, blacklisted, it explores how domestic, Christian marriage defused many of the missions' suspicions of elite African men, while providing a way to acquire the economic, social and political power associated with full adulthood within the local context.     

Technological parables and iconic illustrations: American technocracy and the rhetoric of the technological fix

This paper traces the role of American technocrats in popularizing the notion later dubbed the ‘technological fix’. Channeled by their long-term ‘chief’, Howard Scott, their claim was that technology always provides the most effective solution to modern social, cultural and political problems. The account focuses on the expression of this technological faith, and how it was proselytized, from the era of high industrialism between the World Wars through, and beyond, the nuclear age. I argue that the packaging and promotion of these ideas relied on allegorical technological tales and readily-absorbed graphic imagery. Combined with what Scott called ‘symbolization’, this seductive discourse preached beliefs about technology to broad audiences. The style and conviction of the messages were echoed by establishment figures such as National Lab director Alvin Weinberg, who employed the techniques to convert mainstream and elite audiences through the end of the twentieth century.     

Production and Consumption of Copper-base Metals in the Indus Civilization

We review the existing data sets for the production and consumption of copper-base objects at Indus sites, outline a working typology for metal objects, and provide new data from on-going analytical work on the copper assemblage from Harappa. The role of metals in the economic and social networks of the Indus tradition is examined in terms of patterns of use and technological style. We note that Indus metalsmiths apparently relied more on procurement of metal ingots or scrap than on primary ingot production through smelting, which would have affected other aspects of Indus metallurgy. Object production did not involve elaborate forms, but may have involved complex alloying. Finally, we conclude that there is no evidence for elite control of metal production, and that access to metals was relatively widespread.     

Regional restructuring of industrial sport: The case of elite hockey player production in British Columbia

Although ice hockey has been characterized as a “people's sport,” since the 1980s neoliberalism has stimulated elite hockey to take on industrial characteristics, driven by: the commodification of sport; a growing scale of hockey performance; the branding of teams and cities; a strategic coupling with media; and the privatization of training and facilities. In British Columbia, elite hockey players are being produced in new regional settings. Formerly, many elite players came from smaller resource-hinterland towns offering strong local support. With neoliberal commodification of the sport, the Lower Mainland has emerged as the main centre of elite player production in British Columbia. This has occurred very rapidly as costly private training programs located mostly in larger metropolitan areas have become the main source of young players aspiring to elite status. High-performance training companies and private hockey academies offer costly routes to elite player status, with new class relations that exclude low-income families. A range of internal and external scale economies lead to these new facilities being concentrated in larger conurbations, particularly in Greater Vancouver.     

For Whom the Nation? Internationalization,Zapatismo, and the Struggle Over Mexican Modernity

Recent literature on interactions arising between capital forces and local communities has tended to equate "the global" with economic globalization and "the local" as a more or less reactive formation. Less attention is paid to the fact that processes very particular to a locale are crucial mediators between global and local scales. Perhaps the most salient of these is the production of national ideology. This paper examines Mexico in the 1990s and explores the way leaders wove articulations of modernity through reproductions of nationalism to exclude those—poor, largely rural and indigenous—who didn't fit the picture of progress, then looks at how several indigenous communities contested these elite notions, demanding equal access as citizens of Mexico, and radically altered the public view of elite notions of progress.     

元代徽州路的军功家族

文章利用《汪氏渊源录》和《回岭汪氏宗谱》以及相关元代文集为主要参考资料,研究了元代徽州路的军功家族群体,尤其是其中的典型个案———婺源回岭汪氏。作者认为婺源回岭汪元龙、汪元圭兄弟在宋元易代之际,因为归附蒙元及“保障乡里”之功走上致身荣显的仕宦之路,他们不仅自身建立了可观的权势,而且有效地将之世代传承,以与元朝统治相始终,最终使婺源回岭汪氏家族成为“朱紫满庭”的“新安巨室”。在元代的徽州,类似的军功家族分布广泛,人数众多,深具影响。他们的出现,与元代统治者重视“根脚”的政治铨选原则紧密相关,与那些在蒙元征服战争中出现的“汉军世家”具有相似的来源和特点。     

Can the Wrongs be Righted? Prospects for Remedy in the Philippine Oil Palm Agro‐industry

State‐based and corporate remedies are increasingly offered as solutions to intractable issues provoked by land‐based investments, such as the oil palm agro‐industry. This article critiques this shift towards procedural governance fixes, drawing on theories of the legitimizing function of corporate responsibility and mechanisms of elite capture in agrarian states. The authors contrast the ambition of remedy with local reality in one controversial oil palm project in Palawan Province, the Philippines, showing that it was operated by companies, banks, agencies and politicians who either lacked the capacity to rein in the project once it became evident that it was causing harm to farmers, or showed no interest in doing so. As one of the first detailed examinations of the growing oil palm sector in the Philippines, the study adds to understandings of the shifting nature of elite capture through transnational agro‐industry. It also shows that the remedies discourse remains rooted in colonial doctrines and neoliberal constructs and thus tends to deflect attention away from more appropriate harm prevention strategies. The authors argue that functional remedies will only arise once states and companies confront competing land and resource claims and relinquish more control over new procedures to local and indigenous communities.     

从社会史视角看刘铭传的入仕

刘铭传是特定历史时期--19世纪中期战乱之际,通过非常规仕途进入上层政权的极具代表性的地方精英.从刘铭传的入仕,可透视晚清基层社会与上层政权发生的深刻变化、晚清统治危机的特殊性、中国传统社会发展趋势的深层基础等.     

汉代豪民与乡里政权

乡里政权是汉王朝派出的最基层行政机构,乡官里吏尽管职卑禄薄或根本无禄,但职轻责重,构成汉王朝最基本的政权基础。汉代豪民在类型上可大致划分为工商豪民和乡里豪民。汉武帝官营工商以后,乡里豪民成为豪民阶层的主体,并逐渐有效地控制了乡里政权,成为汉政权维系地方封建统治的重要支柱。同时,豪民又渔肉乡里,破坏封建秩序,在一定条件下可以转化为统一国家的对立物。     

The Rich,the Powerful and the Endangered: Conservation Elites,Networks and the Dominican Republic

Abstract: This paper explores conservation as an elite process in the Dominican Republic. It begins by showing how conservation at a global level is an elite process, driven by a small powerful elite. Looking at the Dominican Republic, it demonstrates how the extraordinary levels of protection have been achieved by a small network of well connected individuals, who have been able to shape conservation as they like, while limiting the involvement by the large international conservation NGOs who are considered so dominant throughout Latin America. Despite this, conservation both globally and in the Dominican Republic is shown to share similar political structures and the same lack of critique of capitalism or its environmental impacts.