20世纪50年代新中国与保卫世界和平运动研究

20世纪50年代,新中国积极参与保卫世界和平运动,表明了中国人民热爱和平的坚定意志,为维护世界的和平稳定做出了重要贡献。1950年、1951年和1955年,中国人民响应世界保卫和平大会常委会及世界和平理事会关于保卫世界和平签名的号召,先后开展了三次声势浩大的和平签名运动,展现出中国人民热爱和平的伟大力量。1952年,中国举办了亚洲及太平洋区域和平会议,彰显了中国维护地区和平稳定的能力。中国通过世界和平理事会表达中国主张、阐明中国立场、传递中国声音,从而维护了国家利益,促进了保卫世界和平运动的发展。     

中国和平发展道路及其世界意义

中国走和平发展道路是顺应时代潮流,根据中国根本利益做出的重大战略抉择,与中国"和为贵"的历史传统一脉相承。这条道路的基本特征是要尊重规律,科学发展;依靠自己力量,自主发展;对外坚持开放发展,和平发展,合作发展;与各国一起共同发展。奉行互利共赢的开放战略是中国走和平发展道路的题中应有之义,是促进与世界各国共同发展、共同繁荣的重要途径。为此,中国在平等、互利、互惠的基础上展开对外合作。中国和平发展会更好地维护世界和平,中国经济蓬勃发展将给世界带来更多机遇,促进世界文明和谐发展。     

中国和平崛起面临的挑战

自从中国领导人提出“和平崛起”理论以来,国际社会对中国能否打破以往世界各国崛起的常规方式,普遍表示关切。对中国来说,从自身根本利益和世界人民的共同利益出发,和平崛起是必然选择。清醒认识和平崛起道路上的挑战有利于顺利实现和平崛起的战略目标。     

第一次世界大战与欧美和平运动的发展

第一次世界大战前的欧美和平运动,影响非常有限。大战中诞生的苏维埃俄国的和平外交取向以及列宁提出的和平共处原则,揭开了国际关系史上崭新的一页。大战的极端残酷性使欧美出现了反战、厌战、恐战的社会思潮,并导致和平运动高涨。20年代的和平运动在一定程度上推动了限制与反对战争的国际法的发展;30年代和平运动的绥靖化,为绥靖政策的形成和顺利实施奠定了思想与社会基础,间接地鼓励了法西斯国家不断侵略扩张直至发动另一场大战。这一历史现象对和平学研究作出了独特贡献并给予人们重要启示:绝对反对一切战争的和平主义有时会事与愿违;在当今时代,发展与完善和平机制,恪守和平共处、和平解决国际争端的理念与实践,是对世界和平的切实贡献。     

当代国际政治格局演变中的民族宗教问题与世界和平

本把民族问题和宗教问题放在国际政治格局发展变化的大环境中、观察其对世界和平的影响，认为国际政治格局演变牵动世界民族宗教问题的发展变化，世界民族宗教问题也会对国际安全局势产生重大影响，一个国宗内部的民族宗教问题处理不好，也会影响到周边国家、整个地区乃至全球的稳定。当今世界，极端民族主义、极端宗教势力和国际恐怖主义三股恶势力勾结在一起，引发了一轮又一轮的国际安全危机，巳成为危害国际牡会稳定和世界安全的重要因索。世界各围应促进民族和解、加强宗教平等对话，国际社会爱好和平的力量应共同携手、合力解决世界民族宗教矛盾，维护世界和乎与全人类的进步。     

关于边疆跨国民族地缘冲突的动因与和平跨居条件的思索

本首先重点归纳了处在独立运动中的、前社会主义国家中的和西方现代明国家中的三类国际民族地缘冲突,并取典型的个案进行了研究,论证了中国跨国民族能和平跨居与其主流明底蕴的关系,指出发展跨国民族和平跨居必须在不同明碰撞中吸收一切人类明之长,如美国的民族自然淡化政策,中越边境的民间主导型跨国民族自由交往模式等;同时必须争取地缘和平与明共存,建立综合安全体系,特别是“化安全保障”,遏制政治亚化的变异,以维护世界和平与国家稳定。     

和平一体论:多面相的中世纪和平

目前,学术界对于中世纪和平的研究陷入了各种误区之中,致使其与中世纪的社会现实相脱钩。事实上,在欧洲中世纪早期,"和平"是一个语义丰富的词汇,它与协定、条约、协议、博爱、友爱密切相关。和平的理念深刻影响着世俗王侯的政治行为,协定成为解决政治和法律争端的最普遍的机制,欧洲也共享着同一种协定语言;教会以"上帝的和平"与"上帝的休战"的方式推进基督教博爱社会的议程;民间出现了各种形式的和平行会及城市公社和平运动,其目标是建立平等性与互惠性的联盟。总体而言,中世纪的和平具有高度的一体性,然而,这种一体性也强调排他性和敌对性。这对欧洲历史产生了深远的影响。     

萱野长知与两次中日和平调停

在日本第二次侵华战争期间的“和平”运动史上,象萱野长知那样为中日双方共同接受、贯穿两次“和平”调停始终的重要人物,是绝无仅有的。本文意在通过阐述萱野出任调停使者的背景,其活动的过程与结果,剖析萱野的中日和平理念及其与本国政府“和平”计划的本质区别,揭示日本侵略集团对蒋媾和的真实意图和国民政府的因应态度,以期从一个侧面,深化关于中日战争期间“和平”运动问题的研究。     

走和平发展道路是中国始终不渝的战略抉择

坚持走和平发展道路,是中国政府和人民根据时代发展及自身利益所作出的战略抉择,也是实现中华民族伟大复兴的必然要求。中国的发展不会对任何国家构成威胁。中国的和平发展有助于维护我国的国家主权,有助于维护世界和平和促进人类共同繁荣。     

实力·公正·亮剑是中国外交直面挑战的明智选择

改革开放以来,中国在经济建设上取得了奇迹。在国际对外交往上韬光养晦、低调谦和,与世界200多个国家和地区建立了平等、发展、合作、友好的外交关系。中国在世界的影响力,维护世界和平与公正的公信力在逐渐攀升。     

Mission Impossible: UN Special Representative Gunnar Jarring and His Quest for Peace in the Middle East

On 23 November 1967, Gunnar Jarring, a Swedish diplomat, was appointed the United Nations Special Representative to the Arab-Israeli conflict. The Security Council had decided to launch a peace effort in the Middle East following the Six-Day War in June 1967. Israel had won a sweeping victory, and the Arab states had suffered a devastating loss. After the war, Israel controlled a territory almost three and a half times the size of the country itself. But what should be done with these newly conquered territories? Should Israel be allowed to keep them? Over the course of some three and a quarter years, Jarring shuttled between the representatives from the three countries involved in the peace endeavour: Israel, Egypt, and Jordan. (Syria refused to participate.) Despite his arduous efforts, he failed miserably to produce viable progress in the Arab-Israeli conflict.     

Peace through the lens of human rights: Mapping spaces of peace in the advocacy of Colombian human rights defenders

What kinds of peace do human rights defenders advocate? This question has become controversial in light of heavy criticisms raised against the scholarly paradigm that peace and human rights are co-constitutive universals. In this article, I explore how Colombian human rights defenders navigate potential tensions, erasures, and vested politics in their peace advocacy during the current peace process with the FARC-EP. I follow the trend in the geographies of peace literature to study the articulation of peace with human rights as situated and constitutive practices. My analysis of published activist statements maps out the discursivity of peace advocacy, that is, how human rights defenders articulate different political demands as interconnected conditions for peace and maintain a common activist space that cuts across the uneven geographies of violence in Colombia. The visualization of my results as discursive networks shows how activist practices open social and discursive spaces that integrate multiple understandings of peace, instead of obliterating differences in a single and homogenized, ‘local’ representation of peace. I further submit that elucidating how human rights defenders address peace beyond the end of guerrilla insurgency, the ambiguous role of the state, societal discrimination, and structural transformations helps us nuancing conceptual debates. We can learn from Colombian activists to move beyond rigid conceptual juxtapositions of human rights as either panacea or liberal fuel for conflict and to pay attention to how concepts are animated in political struggles to end violence.     

Peace negotiations in the political marketplace: the implications of women's exclusion in the Sudan-South Sudan peace process

This article investigates the implications of women’s exclusion for the nature and durability of peace processes, and whether factors that undermine peace consolidation post-settlement might be prevented through more inclusive peacemaking. It examines the Sudan-South Sudan peace process that produced the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the roles women played in peacemaking and their exclusion from official negotiations, and the sources of insecurity post-CPA. South Sudan’s peace process shows that the exclusion of women can be understood as a canary in a coal mine: a highly visible marker of the broader exclusivity of such processes, and the complex dynamics of elite capture in war and peace processes. Women’s exclusion was the product of the region’s political marketplace, in which power and authority is secured by elites through violence and bargaining, to the exclusion of other groups. By understanding exclusion as a deliberate strategic tactic that extends from war into peacetime, I argue that the exclusion of women is not the reason why peace processes fail in and of itself, but rather the product of elite ownership of peace processes and the structure of many peace processes that facilitates and rewards such ownership, with serious consequences for the sustainability of peace post-settlement.     

对新中国成立后毛泽东战争与和平思想及实践的几点辨析、概述和思考

毛泽东是伟大的思想家、理论家、政治家、军事家、战略家,他关于战争与和平的思想内容十分丰富,其中许多深刻的基本理论(例如有关战争的根源;提高警惕,准备打仗;热爱和平,不怕战争;努力加强国防建设;常规战争与核战争;世界大战是否可以避免;美帝国主义要称霸全球;帝国主义的两重性;要利用世界各种矛盾;坚持和平共处五项原则;支持各国人民反对帝国主义的战争;结成最广泛的统一战线;弱国、小国能够打败强国、大国;第三世界团结起来,等等)今天无疑仍然适用,对这些思想和实践进行总结和继承,既有助于加深对邓小平理论和“三个代表”重要思想关于战争与和平思想的理解,又有助于遵循正确的战略和策略,争取到一个较长时间的国际和平环境和良好的周边环境,全面建设小康社会。     

The Women,Peace and Security agenda: Australia and the agency of girls

This article argues that young women and girls are significant stakeholders in peace and security efforts. Understanding their roles, views and capacity is essential to an adequate perspective on peace and security. Yet girls remain the most marginalised group when it comes to peace and security efforts globally. Gender- and age-based hierarchies often leave their interests ignored. Excluding girls hinders prospects for sustainable peace by denying their rights, entrenching inequity and affecting future chances for increasing women's participation. Australian government statements on Women, Peace and Security are evaluated on how they relate to young women and girls. The article presents a series of cases to analyse how young women are impacted by security factors, how they are actively working to create peace and security, and how to better include girls in seeking peace. Options for action by Australian policymakers are discussed.

本文指出,青少年女性是和平与安全努力的重要相关方。正确的和平安全观需要理解这些青少年女性的角色、观点和能力。但全世界但凡涉及和平安全,女孩都是一个最边缘化的群体。性别及年龄的等级制忽视了她们的利益。对女孩的排斥拒绝了她们的权利,强化了不平等,妨碍了妇女未来的参与,这都不利于未来的持久和平。作者评估了澳大利亚政府关于妇女、和平及安全的宣示与青少年女性有多大关系。本文分析了安全因素如何影响年轻女性,青年女性右如何积极致力于创建和平及安全,和平事业该如何吸收女孩等等。作者还讨论了澳大利亚政策制定者的行动选择。     

Everyday peace capture: Nationalism and the dynamics of peace after violent conflict

Nationalism is arguably one of the most detrimental peace‐breaking factors in conflict‐affected societies. This article examines how ethno‐nationalist elites, subterranean movements, and ordinary people can become blockages to sustainable peace and reconciliation after violent conflict. It argues that peacebuilding and state‐building imposed from outside as conflict transformation approaches without acceptable peace settlement and resolute solution of the disputes among parties in conflict risk enabling the co‐optation of power‐sharing arrangements by ethno‐nationalist elites, contestation of peace and reconciliation by subterranean mono‐ethnic movements, and the occurrence of vernacular peace‐breaking acts. This negative mutation of nationalism not only harms peace, justice, and development but also undermines the rights and needs of distinct identity groups. Under these conditions, escaping the nationalism trap in conflict‐affected societies requires seeking political change through post‐ethnic politics and reconciliation through everyday pacifist acts undertaken by the affected communities themselves. The article draws on Kosovo to illustrate empirically the dynamics of peace‐breaking and practices of everyday nationalism. It seeks to bridge debates on nationalism and post‐conflict peacebuilding and offer alternative pathways for rethinking strategies of peace in divided societies.     

The Christian Peace of Erasmus

The aim of this essay is to show that Erasmus’s concept of peace should be understood as a form of irenicism rather than pacifism. I argue that Erasmus’s basic claims on war and peace do not qualify him as a pacifist, first of all because his concept of peace is non-universal: it is exclusively Christian since it does not include Muslims and Jews unless they have converted to Christianity. Secondly, Erasmus’s willingness to fight the Turks and his call for a Christian war against them suggests that he was not a pacifist. Since the peace Erasmus preached for was exclusively Christian, it cannot be identified as pacifism in its accepted universal sense, but rather as a commitment to the peace of Christendom, and therefore his concept of peace should more precisely be described as irenic. By shedding new light on Erasmus’s notion of war and peace, this essay suggests that his alleged religious tolerance should be considered anew.     

汉密尔顿的远东之行与罗斯福政府远东政策的调整

1933年8月至1934年3月,奉美国远东司司长霍恩贝克之命,副司长汉密尔顿对远东进行了长达半年的考察,并最终向国务院提交了关于日本、关于"满洲国"、关于中国、关于美国远东政策的四份报告。这四份报告对第一届罗斯福政府的远东政策走向产生了重大影响:美国重新调整了远东政策,即在中日之间维持某种平衡,并持续对该区域的出口;摆脱了对战争的担忧,认为短期内苏日、美日间不会发生武装冲突;对伪满洲国继续奉行"不承认主义"。     

‘Brothers at Peace’: People-to-People Reconciliation in the Ethiopian–Eritrean Borderlands

The coming to power of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed in Ethiopia in 2018 opened up a renewed peace engagement with Eritrea and diplomatic relations were restored. Before the political rapprochement, grassroots processes of people-to-people reconciliation in the borderlands between the two countries had been underway for years, gradually eroding officially-produced enemy stereotypes. This article explores how physical borders and boundaries of identity at a local level may be conceived differently from that at state borders or expressions of formal nationalism at an inter-state level. The local level border between the northern regional state of Tigray in Ethiopia and Eritrea has become increasingly porous over the last years, whilst the inter-state border was rigidly defended. The political rapprochement is however disconnected from the people-to-people reconciliation, as the local government in Tigray is at odds with both Ethiopia’s federal government in Addis Ababa and the Eritrean government. The formalised peace processes are elite driven, leaving no voice for the people affected in the borderlands.     

跨国地区的空间经济联系与格局特征研究——以中国东北三省与俄罗斯远东联邦区为例

以中国东北三省和俄罗斯远东联邦区为研究对象,运用区域经济等级、经济联系强度、地缘经济匹配等研究中俄跨国地区空间经济联系与格局特征,研究表明：2010—2019年,(1)俄远东繁荣的经济区与停滞的落后区两极分化现象显著。一级经济区位于滨海边疆区、哈巴罗夫斯克（伯力）边疆区、萨哈（雅库特）共和国、萨哈林（库页）州,二级经济区分布在阿穆尔州、外贝加尔边疆区、布里亚特共和国,三级经济区包含堪察加边疆区、马加丹州、犹太自治州、楚科奇自治区。(2)中国东北三省与俄远东区的经济联系强度不断增强,同其毗邻东向的滨海边疆区,北向的阿穆尔州和哈巴罗夫斯克（伯力）边疆区的经济联系量最多。空间上,中国东北三省与俄远东不同地区（南部>西部>东北部）经济联系差异较大,呈“南高北低、西高东低”的格局特征。(3)中国东北三省与俄远东多数联邦主体隶属于地缘经济互补型,表现出距离越近的联邦主体、竞争关系较强,距离越远的联邦主体、互补关系较强的态势。