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1.
The illustration of some preliminary results of an ongoing research on the industry in Guangdong, China, is the core of this article. In particular focus is on the so called ‘specialized towns’ and the industries that characterize them as complex actors of Chinese industrial development. The evidence on these specialized towns is quite interesting as such, being not yet well acknowledged in the international literature. However, it is also believed that an investigation of these realities may contribute to the understanding of new engines of industrial development in the context of contemporary global economic relations—what is called the ‘new industry’. Furthermore, some light is shed on the nature of the competitive challenge that China poses to traditional European industry: it is not only cheap labour, cheap land, dumping, and the like. In the new emerging China government visions, policies and industrial organization architecture seem to play a central role. In this context, the authors conclude proposing a framework of questions relevant to some of the most industrialized areas of Europe, that is the Italian regions characterized by a great diffusion of industrial districts.  相似文献   

2.
The economic success of the Chinese in Southeast Asia has often led to tense relations between them and the politically-dominant ethnic groups. This article examines the changing nature of the Chinese business community in Malaysia over three decades, and suggests a way to understand conflict and co-operation among the Chinese and Malays over the economy. The analysis bridges the gap between two contrasting views on the future of Chinese businesses: one which sees the state as using the Chinese for their present skills on the way to reducing their economic strength, and another that sees the rise of China and the consolidation of Chinese overseas networks as giving added leverage to Chinese capital over the state. This article argues that a simple Chinese versus Malay view of ethnic conflict is no longer useful, and suggests that approaches to ethnic conflict should take into account the interplay of two key variables—the internal organization of the Chinese business community and the class structure of indigenous society. Changes have occurred in both, resulting in reduced levels of ethnic scapegoating and broader political support for higher-growth strategies over narrow ethnic redistributive issues.  相似文献   

3.
论文以广西东兴市归侨侨眷参与中越跨境经济合作为例,探讨了民间力量在推动跨国区域合作中的作用。论文认为,民间力量也是跨国区域合作的重要推动力量之一。归侨侨眷作为民间力量具有独特的优势,是政府力量的有效补充。在归侨侨眷形成的跨国关系网络中,蕴含的信任等无形资源以及嵌入在网络中的信息、资金、客户等有形资源是归侨侨眷得以在跨境经济合作中发挥作用的重要原因。这种跨国网络中的资源降低了市场交易成本,促进了生产要素的跨国流动,从而有利于推动跨境经济合作的快速发展。  相似文献   

4.
新的城市和经济的发展正在改变着中国城市基本的自然形态和结构。在城市发展的过程当中,能折射出国家动态的经济,社会和政策条件的新的模式正逐渐取代了由浓厚的意识形态所形成的带有鉴别性的模式。论文提供了北京,上海和广州等大城市形态转变的模式和过程的分析。重点谈到了土地使用的专业化,交通循环和建筑的高度,规划的过程,城市的更新及房地产市场的私有化等问题。20世纪见证了,中国大城市外形和构造的戏剧性改变。中国城市国际化的趋势日趋明朗化。中国文化的独特性以及中国社会主义制度的独特性,表明了中国城市的将来仍然与众不同。  相似文献   

5.
据1882年中朝之间签订的《中朝商民水陆贸易章程》第七条,中朝之间正式开设定期航线。此定期航线对中朝贸易产生了压倒性影响。具体而言,此航线不但使中国能够奠定在朝鲜渗透经济的基础,而且对华商在朝鲜市场扩大商权起决定性作用。与此相对,此航线在朝鲜商人中产生影响甚微。其结果,定期航线使两国贸易进入不平等贸易时期。  相似文献   

6.
Using newly available East German and Chinese sources, this article sheds light on how East Germany actively defied Moscow's objections to expand relations with China in the early 1980s. Amidst increasing East German-Soviet tensions, East German leader Erich Honecker actively sought relations with China not only for reasons of prestige but also to gain a potential market for East German goods. This interest was initially reciprocated on the Chinese side, as Beijing looked towards East Germany as a leading industrial state for potential economic lessons during Deng Xiaoping's Reform and Opening Process.  相似文献   

7.
This article presents a constructivist-inspired analysis of the Jospin government's European policy, understanding most policy developments during this period as variations on well-established French preferences—rooted in a modified Gaullist paradigm—embedded in French state identity. The variations reflect external political and economic pressures. By June 1997, the potential contradiction between perceptions of European integration as an extension of French state identity and the actual constraints imposed by integration was never greater, due to the reinforced constraints imposed by the operation of the Single European Market (SEM) and Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), in additional to the rise of German unilateralism and the need for European Union (EU) institutional and policy reforms made necessary by the approaching enlargement of the EU eastwards and the increased pressure on the Jospin government to reconceptualise an end-goal to European integration.  相似文献   

8.
英国模式、江南道路与资本主义萌芽   总被引:11,自引:0,他引:11  
以往的世界近现代史研究一向认为西欧的发展道路具有放之四海而皆准的普遍意义。所谓西欧道路其实主要是英国模式 ,其核心即工业革命体现的经济变革。但近年欧洲经济史研究的最新成果证明 ,英国模式有其特殊性 ,即使在欧洲也不具有普遍意义。中国的资本主义萌芽理论是建立在英国模式基础上的。通过对英国模式和中国明清江南模式的比较 ,可以发现 ,如果没有西方的入侵 ,江南几乎不可能出现英国式的近代工业革命。资本主义萌芽理论研究陷入困境 ,实际上是套用英国模式的结果  相似文献   

9.
论文介绍了海外侨胞回国参加政协会议机制的历史演变,具体分析了1984年以来各地政协在组织海外侨胞回国参加政协会议机制方面的总体情况和影响开展此项工作的重要因素、具体实施的主导形式以及制度化的内在必要性。得出以下结论:地区经济发展基础是邀请海外侨胞回国参加政协会议制度的积极因素,但不是决定因素;在现行制度框架下,作为列席代表的形式比较符合实际;在国家层面特别是全国政协可以考虑对各地邀请海外侨胞回国参加政协活动进行制度化规范。  相似文献   

10.
1933年全国共有制造工厂4372家,分布在27个省区的391个县市,总体上呈现东部沿海制造工厂“连片发展”、中西部省区接受东部产业转移而形成的制造工厂“散点分布”的态势。这与东部和中西部的资源禀赋、交通条件、进入国际国内市场的深度和广度不同密切相关。与欧洲工业化先行国不同,20世纪前30年中国东部制造业的“连片发展”和中西部制造业的“散点分布”,不仅有赖于国际市场与国际贸易的引领和促进,更离不开国内超大市场的有力支撑,特别是后者,在一定程度上成为国内制造业应对20世纪30年代全球经济危机的“避风港”。不过,缺乏统一强大的国家政权推动的中国工业化进程,仍然面临国内超大市场启动乏力、东中西部空间隔阂、区域间的产业竞争激烈、农矿资源与资金人才市场配置不当等问题。  相似文献   

11.
This paper draws on export data from four of Iran’s key trade partners—the European Union, China, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Turkey—to examine the robust and positive correlations between the export of parts and machinery to Iran and Iran’s industrial output, as measured by production index data published by the Central Bank of Iran for industrial enterprises with over 100 employees. The period of analysis is 2000 to 2017. It may seem intuitive that the output of Iranian manufacturers depends on the ability of companies to source intermediate goods such as parts and machinery. However, the imposition of sanctions on Iran is shown to have temporarily decoupled the relationship between European industrial exports to Iran and the Iranian industrial production index—the index remained stable even as European exports fell. An analysis of trade data for the other three trade partners included in this study quantitatively substantiates reports noting that in order to sustain the industrial production index, Iran engaged in processes that can be collectively described as “import reflection.” This entails substituting European intermediate inputs with Chinese inputs while also circumventing sanctions pressures on trade by sourcing European inputs via re‐export from the UAE and Turkey. These processes were fundamental to Iran’s economic resilience in the face of multilateral sanctions and have played a central role in Iran’s defense of its industrialized economy and particularly its non‐oil exports as the administration of US President Donald Trump pursues a new unilateral campaign of “maximum pressure” sanctions.  相似文献   

12.
This article examines the participation of China's Yunnan Province in the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) in order to understand the dynamics behind the regionalisation and internationalisation strategies adopted by a Chinese subnational state. It argues that the Yunnan case demonstrates the outflow of state capital—both national and provincially based—to have been instrumental in harnessing Beijing's and Kunming's political support for programs of subregional economic cooperation. This political support has led to a state capital alliance underpinning the economic expansion of provincial state capital into the GMS. It also argues that subregional governance arrangements, such as those featuring in the GMS, embed the competitive advantage of state capital through new forms of extra-territorial governance that ostensibly de-emphasises the political dimensions of state capital. The internationalisation of Yunnan subnational state is reflected in its political strategy of subregional governance. These changes point to complex rescaling of not just national state but also subnational states in Asia that find expression in variegated regional and subregional political projects.  相似文献   

13.
14.
This article explores a series of tensions inherent in the series of European policies that are designed to improve the competitiveness of regions in the face of globalization. Its focus is the co-existence of interventionist policies intended to overcome problems of lagging regions such as cohesion policies and those, for example competition policy which are designed to remove barriers to market integration and that are anti-interventionist. Moreover, the changing relationship between the European Union (EU), member states and the regions and problems of how regions are defined complicate policy implementation. To review these issues, the article adopts an agent-centred approach to understanding economic behaviour in the face of globalization in particular geographical and sectoral contexts. This methodology is used to highlight five sources of tension relating to the reality of the experience of globalization. These are illustrated by evidence from a recently completed EU Fifth Framework Programme study of regional adjustment strategies and technological change in five European countries.  相似文献   

15.
Abstract

Chinese men were brought to New Guinea initially by the German New Guinea Company as labourers on plantations. The climate, harsh working conditions and disease reduced their numbers drastically. The sporadic flow of labourers soon stopped, but Chinese were brought to New Guinea by the Company and — later — by the German Administration as artisans and domestic servants. Most returned to China but some remained to become small traders. Hard work and determination to succeed saw many become a threat to European, enterprises. The German and subsequently Australian Administrations were urged to restrict their entry and control their enterprises. At the same time European attitudes prevalent in Southeast Asian colonies were transplanted to New Guinea. Chinese were seen as desirable, if not essential, but were kept at a social level between local villagers and the colonisers. Their status was clearly shown when European, but not Chinese, women and children were evacuated at the threat of Japanese invasion. Many suffered unspeakable treatment by the Japanese and their abandonment by Australia rankled throughout the post‐war years.  相似文献   

16.
An intensive investigation of China's high-tech sector led by a noted Hong Kong—based geographer examines the patterns of cooperation between firms and local governments (so-called "state-firm strategic resonance") as an alternative to knowledge spillover in an effort to explain why certain firms are more likely to innovate than others within an economic cluster. As a case study, they select the integrated circuit design industry (a key in the development of more efficient computing and thus a critical element of the digital revolution) in Shanghai, one of the most advanced metropolitan regions in China. A systematic analysis of firm-level data obtained inter alia from the authors' 2008 survey and interviews revealed a significant pattern of variation in innovation that could not be explained by inter-firm interactions in the process of industrial clustering. The authors argue that the uneven pattern of technological innovation is contingent on a state-built institutional and market environment designed to stimulate firms' innovative activities, and demonstrate how firms respond to that environment in a Chinese metropolis. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: H700, L630, O310, P230, R280. 5 figures, 7 tables, 57 references.  相似文献   

17.
China’s declared foreign policy of ‘non-interference’ is contradicted by its actions in recent times. Beyond activities in the East and South China Seas, the involvement of China in negotiations on the Korean Peninsula, the evacuation of Chinese citizens from various crises, and the deployment of Chinese combat troops to peacekeeping missions in Africa have indicated China’s growing interests in the shape of world affairs, coinciding with a growing economic and military capacity to influence them. Much attention has been given to the potential consequences of great-power competition between the USA and China, but little focus has been given to the impact these trends may have in the outlying regions of Chinese foreign policy. One such place is Melanesia in the South Pacific—a subregion where a small influence from a Chinese perspective can have a significant impact on Pacific Island Countries. This article postulates that, over time, there is potential for the consequences of Chinese interests to lead to accidental friction, and suggests that this risk can be mitigated through increased cooperation.  相似文献   

18.
One of the main myths about Australian political and economic history relates to the intervention in economic policy making in the 1930s by the Bank of England through the mission of Sir Otto Niemeyer. This article argues that Niemeyer's advice was not heeded. Rather, parallels between what he demanded and the Premiers’ Plan were largely confined to the level of rhetoric as part of a strategy to regain access to the London capital market. State expenditures were reduced gradually according to local political calculations and fiscal priorities, and not in step with the timetable set by the Bank of England. Far from weakening and dividing the Australian state, the federal separation of powers led to the gradual introduction of fiscal austerity, as state governments had little option but to maintain their role in complementing capital accumulation and facilitating social legitimation.  相似文献   

19.
The process of institutionalizing environmental interests and considerations in Western (especially, but not only, European) industrialized societies has been reflected and theorized upon by social scientists, many of whom have adopted the ‘ecological modernization’ framework. One of the key questions on the research agenda of ecological modernization is its appropriateness for developing or industrializing countries in other parts of the world. This contribution analyses to what extent environmental reforms in contemporary China can be interpreted as ecological modernization. It focuses on the similarities and differences between Chinese and European modes or styles of ecological modernization with respect to the role of state institutions, market dynamics, civil society pressure and international integration.  相似文献   

20.
This article examines Russian energy policies toward China over the past decade as reluctant engagement changed into a priority energy partnership. From 2008 to 2016 Russian and Chinese companies signed several major oil and gas agreements, a period in which Moscow reassessed China as a future energy consumer and lifted bilateral cooperation to a new level. The article utilizes the strategic partnership concept as an analytical framework and finds traditional realist concepts and hedging inadequate for this particular case. The study illuminates Russian geopolitical considerations and acceptance of vulnerability, which combined make long-term Russian energy policies more China dependent. Officially, Russia seeks diversification among Asian energy buyers, but its focus has increasingly been on China. Western sanctions imposed in 2014 for Russia’s role in Ukraine accelerated this trend. Moscow’s energy policies toward Beijing with its pipelines and long-term agreements are permanent arrangements that resemble strategic partnership policies. China is eager to increase energy relations with Russian companies, but Beijing also ensures that it does not become too dependent on one supplier. Russian concern over its increased dependence on China in the East is deemed secondary to expanding Russia’s customer base beyond the still-dominant European market.  相似文献   

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