加强反腐倡廉的法制建设

加强反腐倡廉建设应当注重法制,发挥法律和制度对公共权力的规范和制约功能,形成权力相互协调、相互制约、相互监督的运行机制,逐步铲除腐败现象产生的土壤和条件,实现用制度办事、靠制度管人、按制度行使权力。这就要求建立和完善反腐倡廉的法制体系,以保证人民赋予的权力用来为人民谋利益。     

论权力与法律渊源

不管是规范性文件在成为"法源"的过程中,还是在论述法律文件的正当性以及法的实效过程中,权力都起到了一个基础性的作用。同时,规范性文件在取得"法源"的地位后,又会对权力进行规范与制约。本文从法律渊源的划分入手,跳脱出权力的"国家"单一属性,对二者关系进行论述。     

权力制约与监督思想及实践

权力制约与监督思想主要是指国家权力的各部分之间相互监督、彼此牵制,最终达到保障公民权利的目的。这一思想是在人民主权基础上产生的。人民主权解决了权力的归属问题,即权力是属于多数人的,它结束了以前的君主专制制度,结束了权力集中在君主一人手中的历史。但是,事实上,多数人不可能都亲自去行使权力,他们委托代表代表自己的意志去行使权力,这些受托者能否真正代表多数人的意志,是否滥用权力,这些都是无法得知的,所以有必要对行使权力者进行制约与监督。一权力制约与监督思想萌芽出现于亚里士多德和波里比阿的政治学说。古希腊著名的思…     

权力异化是腐败的根源

用来进行社会公共管理的权力发生异化,使掌握权力原来应该为公民履行法律义务的权力变成了掌握权力者为其寻租的工具,导致了社会腐败现象层出不穷。     

关于增强对国家权力监督力度的思考

对国家权力进行监督,是依法治国的一项重要内容。针对目前在这方面存在的监督疲软的问题,本文作者以为,应从完善国家权力之间的制约入手,把强化专职监督机构的监督作为关键,以人民民主监督为根本,增强对国家权力监督的力度。一、完善国家权力之间的制约机制国家权力是一种管理社会事务的支配力量,要对其进行有效的监督,需要有与其支配力对等的制约力。这种制约力量首先来自国家权力体系本身,来自国家权力之间的相互制约。因此,要增强对国家权力的监督力度,就必须从改善国家权力结构,形成强有力的权力约束机制入手,使各种国家权…     

党政秘书隐性权力治理方法探析

党政秘书隐性权力的治理既要以秘书腐败责任倒查法,督促领导合法安排秘书工作,切断隐性权力来源;又要通过秘书岗位轮岗交流法,防止秘书利用领导权力寻租,消除权力腐败机会;还要采用健全党政信息沟通法,斩断秘书获取内部信息渠道,铲除秘书腐败温床。     

中国反贪史的启迪

自从私有制产生,人类进人文明时代以来,贪污就与人类形影相随。贪污不受时空、国别的限制,主要取决于有没有遏制它的制度及其机制。不久前四川人民出版社推出的王春瑜研究员主编的《中国反贪史》,以历代反贪的实践与经验,雄辩地说明了这条真理。 无数经验事实表明,贪污与“权力”是一对孪生子,二者伴随着整个政治过程。当“权力”的供给与人们对“权力”的需求发生矛盾的时候,经济学上的“设租”与“寻租”的理论便支配着整个政治过程。掌权者用手中的权力设租,甚至直接出卖手中的权力,造成“官以财进,政以贿成”的局面。从这个…     

刍议“权力剥削”

直面和批判“权力剥削”,是一种权利,也是一种责任; 否认和容忍“权力剥削”,是一种背叛,也是一种罪过。——题记我国于上世纪50年代中期,实现了对农业、手工业和资本主义工商业的社会主义改造,消灭了私有制,建立了公有制,铲除了人剥削人的根源,进入了社会主义。但星移斗转,沧海桑田,现在又滋生了一种新的剥削形式,即“权力寻租”,也就是“权力剥削”。那么,究竟什么是“权力剥削”?“权     

提高党的执政能力需加强权力制约监督

权力制约的监督是执政党高度关注的问题,本文分别从制度入手,改善人大监督党的机制,健全法律监督体制,发挥各方面的监督作用四个方面详细阐述了提高党的执政能力的途径     

毛泽东邓小平权力制约思想比较研究

如何有效地对权力进行监督和制约,是建设具有中国特色的社会主义所要面临的重要问题。在党悠久的历史中,毛泽东与邓小平同志作为党和国家卓越的领导人,对于权力制约思想都有着独到的见解。通过对二者权力制约思想的相关比较,总结其方向的一致性,探究其权力制约思想的起源、侧重点、实现方式的差异,从而对当前权力制约问题以及社会主义民主政治建设起到积极有益的作用。     

论秦汉之际的崇势利之风

崇势利是秦汉之际社会上普遍存在的社会风气。它是继春秋战国社会变革后,新兴统一封建政权的政治、经济以及思想化的产物,对当时社会产生了深远的影响。     

约曼与英国资本主义启动

农业是英国资本主义的基础,约曼又是农业资本主义的发动者、农村社会的“脊梁”。在英国农业资本主义发生的时候,约曼是先行者。“约曼”经历了由一个带有荣誉感的职业名词向具有经济与社会含义的名词的转变;约曼阶层经历了由采邑制度下的农民向资本主义农场主的演进。约曼是社会转型时期英国农村的精英群体,对经济、政治、教育文化、日常生活等方面都产生了重大而深远的影响,为英国率先成为第一个工业化国家提供了最初的、最基本的经济力量和政治力量,是英国资本主义的启动者。     

当代加拿大华人精英参政模型分析

论文将当代加拿大华人精英的参政情况概括为五种模型：选举型和委任型、全国型和地方型、象征型和实在型、主流政党型和华人政党型及华人选票型和非华人选票型,并运用这五种参政模型对当代加拿大华人精英的参政情况进行归纳与分析。认为华人精英无论采取何种模型参与加拿大政治,只要能成功进入主流社会,对改善华人在加拿大社会的公共政治形象,提高他们的社会政治地位和维护他们的合法权利都十分有益,对华裔新生代未来参与政治的热情也是一个激励。     

THE LIMITS OF OTTOMAN PRAGMATISM

In this paper I reflect critically on the concept of pragmatism as it is used in Ottoman historiography. Pragmatism has gained increasing currency over the last ten to fifteen years as one of the defining features of the Ottoman polity. I argue that unless it is properly defined from a theoretical‐philosophical perspective, and carefully contextualized from a historical perspective, pragmatism cannot be used as an explanatory or comparative category. When used as a framework of explanation for historical change, pragmatism blurs more than it clarifies an essential aspect of the Ottoman polity that it seeks to define, namely, the political. It is essential to reflect on the difference between the political and politics because whereas the political refers to the configuration of the power relations that organize a society as a legitimate entity, politics refers to the strategies, practices, institutions, or discourses whose purpose is to construct and retain hegemony within a polity. Through an analysis of the concept of pragmatism in Ottoman historiography, I show that for most proponents of Ottoman pragmatism, pragmatism pertains to politics rather than to the political. From a perspective rigorously confined to political theory, I argue that much like the discourse of modern tolerance, pragmatism in Ottoman historiography posits a problematic periodization, relegates the political to the background, and depoliticizes essential power relations.     

Concrete and coal: China's infrastructural assemblages in the Balkans

This article analyzes Chinese-financed infrastructural projects in the Balkans to further our thinking about how infrastructures shape international politics. By adopting an assemblage approach, which views infrastructures as part of a complex and dynamic interaction of both human and non-human actors and capacities, it questions the vascular trope that sees infrastructures as arteries of influence and power. Building on research into the construction of roads and coal power plants, assemblage analysis provides the nuance that refutes simplistic accounts of China's grand strategy in its Belt and Road Initiative. Chinese actors are not geostrategic players exerting influence from afar, but have become thoroughly linked to the region's politics through their specific modes of entry. The business priorities of Chinese state-owned enterprises required formal disentanglements, yet the political arrangements underpinning such deals have ironically caused Chinese actors to become entangled in the Balkans through its political instability, developmental discourses, fiscal exigencies, the traces of previous infrastructures on its society and ecology, and the often overlooked anchoring role of materials such as concrete or coal.     

Race,Class and Politics in Peninsular Malaysia: The General Election of 2008

Racial politics have bedevilled peninsular Malaysia since independence in 1957, largely sustained by a ruling coalition of partners sharing power unequally, in a consociational government. The effect of a racialised practice over fifty years is the institutionalisation of the politics of ethnic pluralism, each component driven by its own internal dynamic and cultural logic: for the Chinese it is the politics of economic security, for the Tamils the politics of religion and caste, and for the Malays incipient class antagonisms that are historically rooted in a feudal society. In the general election of 2008, there was an unprecedented swing of votes across the ethnic divide against the ruling government, resulting in the loss of five state governments to an opposition coalition espousing multiculturalism and the loss of the government's two-thirds majority in Parliament for the first time. However, we argue that these developments do not signal the beginning of the end of racial politics in peninsular Malaysia. Instead, the opposition has skilfully recoded multiculturalism as social justice and accountability in racial terms, and effectively communicated this to an essentially racialised electorate at a time when Malays, Chinese and Tamils had lost faith in the ruling government's ability to address deep-seated grievances specific to each of these communities.     

论民主政治

民主政治是当今世界的政治主流。民主政治相对专制政治而言,它能使社会治安形势长时间地获得好转以及使社会获得持续发展。要实现民主政治必然具备一定的客观条件,国际国内的政治形势的相对稳定是实现民主政治的先决条件。要实现民主政治,必须反对超然至上的政治权力,从而使各种政治权力趋向均衡。     

Vattel's theory of the international order: Commerce and the balance of power in the Law of Nations

Vattel's Law of Nations (1758) claimed that a system of independent states could maintain the liberty of each without undermining the ideal of an international society. The chief institution serving this purpose was the balance of power. In Vattel's account, the balance of power could be stabilized if it operated primarily through a process of commercial preferences and restrictions. These limits on how states ought to defend themselves were grounded in Vattel's thoroughly forgotten writings on the mid-eighteenth-century luxury debates, which addressed the political economy of reforming the state and pacifying the international order. An examination of Vattel's Law of Nations in this context shows that his approach to the law of nations should not be dismissed as a capitulation to the harsh reality of international politics.     

日本"有事法制"议案和新版《防卫白皮书》评析

“有事法制”议案赋予了日本自卫队以“国家军队”的职能,赋予了日本政府使用武力乃至“先发制人”解决可能发生的争端的权力,开辟了日本在海外行使武力的道路;《2003年防卫白皮书》则重新阐述了日本关于战争的认识,重新确立了日本的军事防卫重点,重新确认了日本自卫队的主要任务。这表明日本的“专守防卫”政策发生了重大变化。军国主义思想始终没有彻底清算,社会政治生态右倾化进一步加深,冷战后政治大国欲望的加速膨胀,以及迫于“美日同盟”的压力等,是日本防卫政策变化的主要原因。日本社会政治发展趋势和国家发展方向都将受到防卫政策变化的巨大影响。     

论中世纪晚期英国议会政治

在学术界,似乎有一个不证自明的定论,即：作为近代资本主义政治制度核心构件的议会政治是与中世纪封建社会无缘的。但事实上,在特定历史条件下,两也完全有可能联系在一起。英国由于在早期历史中形成了政治协商传统和初步成型的议会协商机制以及相应的社会化理念,从而为中世纪晚期出现议会政治奠定了必要的历史基础;但历史基础仅仅提供了议会政治早产的可能性,而将这种可能变为现实的决定性力量则是当时各种具体的特殊原因和个人因素构成的偶然机缘。换言之,中世纪晚期英国议会政治的早产是一种历史偶然现象。由此可见,偶然因素也是一种应当给予充分重视的历史决定性力量。