藏传佛教的社会功能

藏传佛教是源自印度的佛教传入以后与当地原始苯教斗争融合产生的。由于藏区特殊的自然环境和文化背景,形成了独特的价值体系和以活佛转世、政教合一等为特征的宗教体系。这些特征与藏族全民信教的社会现实交织在一起,使藏传佛教在藏区社会表现出巨大的社会整合功能,并以不同的形式表现出来。     

继承与嬗变:清代藏族历史编纂学简论

清代藏族历史编纂学在继承前人的基础上取得了新进展,某些史书编纂旨趣出现了新变化,人物传记与教法史作为藏族最主要的体裁,其编纂理论与方法有了进一步发展,各史书将弘扬佛教与考证历史较好地统一起来。这些都体现出清代藏族史学家高超的编纂能力。     

乾隆朝清宫十八罗汉唐卡名相解析

藏、汉两地佛教经典及佛学之传播,直承印度晚出之大乘佛学,但罗汉信仰却在两地佛教中均占一席之地,尤其是于汉藏两地家喻户晓的十六罗汉(后演绎成十八罗汉),不仅与佛和菩萨一样成为信徒崇拜的对象,而且以之为题材的绘塑作品更是广泛流传,及至帝廷内苑亦多有供奉收藏。清乾隆时期为安抚蒙藏势力而极力推崇藏传佛教,此信仰尤以宫中为盛,帝室庋藏、绘制及供奉有大量藏风浓郁的十六或十八罗汉唐卡组画,其名称、图像特征、排列顺序乃至绘画风格等与清官旧藏的内地各派罗汉图相比,同中存异。乾隆帝及藏传佛教大师们在对藏密佛像进行大规模系统化与规范化的同时,也涉及了汉藏两地十分流行的十六、十八罗汉,并在此基础上逐渐形成了具有乾隆时期清宫特色的十八罗汉图像标准。     

Making and remaking Tibetan diasporic identities

The fifty-year long Chinese occupation of Tibet has resulted in the deaths of hundreds of thousands and has produced a refugee flow that continues today. Although the plight of Tibetans commands international attention, this diaspora remains understudied and undertheorized. To speak to this silence, we follow Patterson and Kelley (2000) and argue that the Tibetan diaspora can be analysed as both a condition and a process. Diaspora as condition emphasizes the structural features of an exile population, such as race, gender, class and religion. Diaspora as process draws attention to lived refugee experiences--the making and remaking of diasporic identities. In the Tibetan diaspora, His Holiness the Dalai Lama holds a central position. Through his global profile, and a transnational nationalist political structure, he creates images of Tibet, builds community and works toward Tibetan self-determination. Within this nationalist frame, Tibetan identities assume a singular, unified and homogeneous form. Further analysis that focuses on individual voices, however, shows how Tibetan diasporic identities are contested, complex and embedded in not one but multiple narratives of struggle.     

清代甘青藏区建制及社会研究

本文首先对清朝于雍正二年平定罗卜藏丹津之乱后,在明朝的基础上,重新在青海、甘肃藏区设置的土司制的情况,作了较为详细的论述,并对其特点和流変进行探索,其次,将甘青藏区划分为七个大的区域,即河北西宁府所辖地区(包括附郭西宁县、碾伯县和大通卫等)、西宁办事大臣所辖玉树地区、河南贵德、循化厅所辖地区、青海湖地区、凉州平番县(庄浪卫)地区、大夏河以拉卜楞寺为中心地区及洮河流域以卓尼杨土司为中心的地区,较为详确地列出清代甘青藏区藏族的分布、人口及经济类型。在此基础上探讨甘青藏区的社会组织,并划分为三种类型,即居于城镇、营汎或附近,主要从事农业和半农半牧生产的藏族社会组织;居地离城镇、营汎较远,以游牧为生的藏族社会组织,以及以大寺院为中心的"政教合一"的藏族社会组织。     

藏族苯教文化中的冈底斯神山解读

本文认为,在藏族的苯教文化中,冈底斯神山占有重要的地位。由于特殊的地理位置、俊美奇险的山形以及宗教、历史、神话和传说所赋予的神秘感,使冈底斯山具有了强烈的感召力、诱惑力,对它的崇拜和祭祀,已经成为千百年来藏族永恒不变的情结。     

A tale of three cities: negotiating ethnic identity and acculturation in northwest China

Through extensive interviews with Hui, Han, Dongxiang, and Tibetan migrants and participant observation in northwest China between 2013 and 2015, we examine how the negotiation of ethnic identity influences acculturation strategies in three cultural contexts by scrutinizing the three operational aspects of ethnic identity: perceptions, affections, and behaviors. We argue that the ethnic identity is negotiated at both the group and individual levels as a relation of dialectical unification in regard to fixity and fluidity. At the group level, ethnic identity is relatively fixed and rigid and is perceived by most of the group members as the social norms which normalize ethnic behavior collectively. At the individual level, on the other hand, ethnic identity can be highly flowing and contested from one individual to another. Han identity is generally self-perceived as unmarked, porous, situated, and sometimes even vacuous. Han migrants’ acculturation is more dependent on the cultural context of the host society. Hui and Dongxiang migrants show a strong attachment and affective bonds to their ethnic identity, which is largely based on religious identity. Although Tibetan migrants perceive a complex, place-based identity related to their religion, the grassland, their traditional ways of living, and their language, a Tibetan identity seems to be difficult to fulfill given their economic vulnerability and the contradictions between retaining traditions and being Sinicized in the city.     

孙中山与佛教

孙中山尽管对佛教没有作过专门的研究,但他对佛教传播和发展的历史、佛教的教义、佛教的功用等有相当的了解,他从佛教中获得了一些有助于国民革命的启发,对佛教"灵境"也有亲身的感受.孙中山在处理有关佛教事务时,采取了较为谨慎的态度,不仅在法律上确立佛教的平等地位,而且积极支持佛教的革新和佛教团体的建立,对蒙藏活佛、寺产等佛教事务的处理,提出了较为稳妥的办法.孙中山对佛教的认同和对佛教事务的妥善处理,赢得了广大佛教徒的尊敬和爱戴.生前,佛教徒给了孙中山以有力支持;死后,佛教徒给了孙中山及其三民主义以高度评价.     

Shining Regung Art

Regung art is a particularwonder of Tibetan Bud-dhism art, blending blendsreligious and folk art in away that is treasured byTibetan Buddhists as well as becomingwell known in the world.Art Flower in Golden ValleyRegung is the Tibetan name of areasin Tongren County and Zeku County inQinghai Province with the meaning of"golden valley".The Regung area as the birthplace of"Regung art" has an abundance of tangka,duishiu, sculptures and religious architec-tural structures. Several villages, …     

HISTORY OF TIBET （1）：ANCIENT MONKEY

The Tibetan Plateau, known as the Roof of the World, is the place where people of the Tibetan ethnic group live and multiply.     

评清朝的西藏政策

清朝重新统一西藏后,通过册封、定制、设官、驻军等措施,并扶持达赖、班禅成为西藏的政教领袖,建立了政教合一的噶厦制度,实现了对西藏的有效管理和统治,维护了清朝在西藏的主权和领土完整,其西藏政策对后世产生了深远影响。本文从反分裂主义的角度重新审视清朝的西藏政策,认为清朝的治藏政策重政治、军事,而轻经济、文化,导致西藏与祖国内地的经济文化交流、民族融合明显滞后,为近代西藏分裂主义的产生埋下了隐患。     

Suppressing the Mad Elephant: Missionaries,Lamas, and the Mediation of Sacred Historiographies in the Tibetan Borderlands

The late-nineteenth century was a time of Protestant missionary enthusiasm for the “great closed land” of Tibet. Their prodigious, oftentimes proto-ethnographic, writings continue to provide scholars with archives that document missionary perspectives on Inner Asian society and religion, but few sources have yet emerged that allow for these to be read alongside Tibetan accounts of Christian-Buddhist encounters. This article undertakes such a parallel reading of four accounts of an unsuccessful attempt by the British missionary Cecil Polhill to convert an eastern Tibetan Buddhist abbot, Māyang Pa??ita, in late 1889. Understanding these texts as conflicting sacred historiographies, we note that these Christian and Buddhist writers shared a commitment to writing and to particular modes of emotional, material, and logical mediation as the “correct” path to religious certainty. Differences in genre, however, lead more to mockery and misunderstanding than to each side’s desired transformation of the other..     

吐蕃系统金银器研究

The Tibetan Kingdom rose in the Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau in the 7th century as a mighty minority regime under the Tang Dynasty of China.Tibetan gold and silver wares were recorded in Tang literal documents and enjoyed a great fame throughout the world for their distinctive and exquisite form.But their samples were seldom discovered for a long time.Based on a study of the Tibetan gold and silver articles recently unearthed from Tibetan tombs in the Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau and known from collections abroad,the...     

西藏铸币史话(上)

雅鲁藏布江南部的雅隆河谷,公元7世纪初兴起了雅隆王朝（即吐蕃王朝）。公元629年西藏吐蕃政治家、军事家松赞干布统一了西藏,定都（逻娑luosuo）拉萨,建立了统一的奴隶制吐蕃王朝。并同唐朝建立起密切的关系。公元641年松赞干布迎娶大唐公主文成入藏和亲,使藏汉民族的关系以及西藏经济文化的发展,都产生了深远的影响。     

西藏铸币史话（下）

六．宣统桑康果木： 公元1909年（清宣统元年）西藏地方政府在拉萨以北的扎西地区建立以水利为动力驱动机器制造银币的造币工厂。当时制造的是一种大型的银圆,币名为“桑康果木”（桑康果木——其意为一两银圆）,币面铸有藏文“宣统元年”字样,下面铸有“一两”面值。     

The Prehistory of the Tibetan Plateau to the Seventh Century A.D.: Perspectives and Research from China and the West Since 1950

Until recently, there has been no sense of a Tibetan prehistory. Beginning in the 1970s, however, Chinese archaeologists began to systematically explore the plateau, and began to draw an outline of the deep Tibetan past. The pace of research accelerated rapidly in the 1990s, which brought this outline into sharper focus. This paper reviews what is known of Tibetan prehistory until the seventh century A.D., when the Tibetan empire was established. Topics covered in this paper include a consideration of the antiquity of a human presence upon the plateau, changing adaptive strategies following the end of the glacial epoch, the advent of the Neolithic, and the emergence of social and political complexity. Despite significant advances in our knowledge of the Tibetan past, much work remains to be done before models of process can be examined in any detail.     

MODERNITY IN RELIGION: A RESPONSE TO CONSTANTIN FASOLT'S “HISTORY AND RELIGION IN THE MODERN AGE”

Contrary to Constantin Fasolt, I argue that it is no longer useful to think of religion as an anomaly in the modern age. Here is Fasolt's main argument: humankind suffers from a radical rift between the self and the world. The chief function of religion is to mitigate or cope with this fracture by means of dogmas and rituals that reconcile the self to the world. In the past, religion successfully fulfilled this job. But in modernity, it fails to, and it fails because religion is no longer plausible. Historical, confessional religions, then, are no longer doing what they are supposed to do; yet the need for religion is still very much with us. Fasolt's account would be a tragic tale, if not for his claim that there is a new religion for the modern age, a religion that fulfills the true reconciling function of religion. That new religion is the reading and writing of history. Indeed, for Fasolt, reading history is religiously redemptive, and writing history is a sacred act. The historian, it turns out, is the priest in modernity. In my response, I challenge both Fasolt's remedy (history as religiously redemptive) and its justification (the fall of historical religions). Indeed, I reject both his romantic view of past religion as the peaceful reconciler, as well as his pessimistic view of present religion as the maker of “enemies” among modern people. In the end, I argue that the way Fasolt employs his categories—“alienation,”“salvation,”“religion,”“history”— is too vague to do much useful work. They are significant categories and they deserve our attention. But in my view, the story Fasolt tells is both too grim (on human alienation) and too cheerful (on historian as modern savior).     

大朝国师印考

西藏自治区文管会珍藏的“大朝国师统领诸国僧尼中兴释教之印”是具有极高历史价值的国宝级文物。但是,它长期被误读,并认为是复制品而遭到冷落。实际上“大朝”是忽必烈正式建国号“大元”之前的蒙古汗国国号,国师是当时最高僧官,具有“统领诸国僧尼中兴释教”的职权。此印是蒙哥大汗赐予那摩国师的封印。本文揭示了该印重要的历史价值和文物价值,对于元史、蒙古史的研究都有重要的参考价值。     

Religion, Society, and the Historian

In a secularized age, the study of past religion encounters problems both of empathy and categorization, and the student who derives his understanding from current belief and practice may be in a worse position than the detached observer. Yet historians have never before taken religion so seriously, while wider interest in the history of Christianity is growing. "Religious History" is sometimes said to have taken the place of "Ecclesiastical History." But both disciplines flourish, and the difference between them has been overstated. Historians can learn from social scientists questions about religion which, confined within the safe boundaries of period, they have not always had to face. The social functions of religion have been threefold, religion acting as a precipitant, a bond, and a source of legitimation. It has been said (by an anthropologist) that the study of religion has recently lived off the conceptual capital of its ancestors. The understandings of the social meaning of religion advanced by three of these "ancestors," Marx, Durkheim, and Weber, are examined. Only Max Weber is found to provide helpful guidance to the social historian of religion, particularly with his key concept of "elective affinity."     

Geography,religion and the state: A comment on an article by Michael Pacione

Professor Pacione's call for geographers to consider the role that ‘responsible theology’ might play in assisting the development of ‘relevant’ human geography is examined. Issue is taken with his presentation of religion. Alternative geographical approaches to religion are outlined, and the relationship of the academic to both religion and government is explored.