新桂系集团与蒋介石集团争斗内幕（上）

新桂系集团与蒋介石集团的争斗,是争权夺利之争。在20多年的明争暗斗中,新桂系集团的首脑李宗仁、黄绍兹、白崇禧等一批重要骨干曾因被蒋打败而流亡境外,但他们不甘心失败,与蒋争斗之心未泯,后来竟奇迹般地复起,并继续与蒋介石集团不断较量,最后在祖国大陆解放前夕该集团的首脑李宗仁还取代了蒋介石成为中华民国的“代总统”。几十年来,蒋介石     

新桂系集团与蒋介石集团争斗内幕（下）

北伐战争结束,蒋介石集团攫取了中华民国政权后,搞独裁专制。以李宗仁为首的新桂系集团竟能以幅员狭小、地瘠民贫、人口不多攸占全国人口1／33)、经济不发达、化教育较落后、地处祖国西南边陲、交通极不便利的广西省为基地,长期与蒋介石集团所控制的国民党中央争斗,长期保持了广西省的半独立状态。蒋介石在20多年中曾被迫下台3次,其中两次是由新桂系集团主导促成的。新桂系集团能长期与蒋介石集团争斗的主要资本：     

陈济棠与蒋介石的政治博弈——从合作、对抗到合作

陈济棠和蒋介石都是在军阀混战、派系纷争、外患日逼的环境中崛起的中华民国史上的重量级人物。从1927年大革命失败后到1937年这十年,一方面是中国共产党领导的革命与反革命进行殊死的搏斗,另一方面是中国国民党各派政治势力与地方势力集团为争夺中央领导权和统治地盘进行明争暗斗和激烈的战争。国民党政权在这个时期内,一度分裂为南京、广州两个政府,彼此唱起“对台戏”,主角就是陈济棠和蒋介石。一方代表地方实力集团,一方代表中央．这两个人物在中国的政治舞台上是怎样博弈的？为什么陈济棠不敌蒋介石？博弈的结果留给后人怎样的教训和启示？     

改革开放起步阶段中央与地方的互动——以广东省“先走一步”相关政策的出台为个案

作为改革开放起步阶段的一项重要决策,广东省"先走一步"是中央与地方良性互动的成果。改革开放前夕,中央主要领导同志针对广东省工作做出多次指示,作为对这些指示的回应,广东省结合本地实际情况向中央提出若干如何促进自身发展的举措,在此基础之上,中央最终形成让广东省"先走一步"的决策。为了尽快落实好这一决策,中央专门派出工作组赶赴广东省,帮助起草相关文件。与新中国成立后中央与地方互动不同的是,中央与广东省围绕"先走一步"所展开的互动有其独特的时代背景和特点,它不仅揭开了改革开放初期中央权力下放的序幕,在一定程度上改变了以往中央与地方的互动模式,而且也为中央与地方关系在改革开放中的调整奠定了基础,具有一定的开创意义。     

近三十年来的古代中央与地方关系研究综述

中央与地方关系是政治制度史的重要内容之一,涉及到政治、军事、经济、民族等各个方面。作为政治实践中的一大难题,中央与地方关系以其重要的理论意义和现实意义逐渐成为当前学者们高度重视的课题。为推进古代中央与地方关系研究,本文对近三十年来古代中央与地方关系的研究状况作一综述,以备参考。一、古代中央与地方关系概说中央与地方关系的产生。李治安《唐宋元明清中央与地方关系研究》(南开大学出版社1996年版)认为,夏朝就出现了统一的中央政权和中央辖属的地方政权。因此,从夏朝开始,我国就产生了中央与地方关系。周振鹤《中央地方关…     

为何中国古代行政区划总是在二级和三级之间徘徊？

正中国古代有两个政治术语,一个叫"内重外轻",一个叫"外重内轻"。当中央权力强大而地方权力比较弱的时候,叫内重外轻;在中央权力弱、地方势力强大的时候,叫外重内轻。决定中央和地方力量对比的一个关键因素是,中央下面一级政区的面积多大比较合适。面积大,地方官的控制能力就大。好处是当地方上有起义及外敌入侵等突发事件时,中央可以大面积组织资源进行抵抗;坏处是中央不好控制地方,容易出现分裂,东汉和唐代就是这样。面积太小,权力小了,皇帝倒是好控制了,但是地方上权力太分散,一旦有大规模的起义或者外敌入侵,地方上就无法组织起来进行有效的抵抗。宋朝和明朝便是这样。     

南京国民政府时期中央与地方关系——以冀省“废苛减附”治理实践为中心的考察

南京国民政府时期国家在表象上归于统一,但地方主义势力彰显。聚敛钱财、搜刮民脂成为地方实力派对抗中央的主要手段,这既造成农民捐税负担过重、农村经济疲敝,又严重侵蚀了中央政府权威。国民政府为防止中央政权稳定性缺失,从削弱地方财权入手对各省进行整合控制,并于1934年发起全国性的"废苛减附"治理运动。河北省的实践结果表明,在这场运动中地方政府为保存实力纷纷抗争于中央,而中央唯一考虑的是收权并控制地方,中央与地方这种上有政策、下有对策的博弈无不显现出国家政权的"碎割"和中央权势的弱化。     

从联邦到均权:孙中山对中央与地方关系的探索

中央与地方关系问题是中国历史上的难解之结。１９世纪末期２０世纪初年,联邦思潮在中国悄然兴起。在辛亥革命之前,孙中山在思考中央与地方关系问题时亦主张实行联邦制。但民国肇建之后中国政局演变的纷乱,使孙中山深切感到实行地方分权的联邦制并不适合中国国情,且易为军阀利用又不利国家统一,而实行中央集权的单一制又易产生专制政府。经过长期的革命实践与理论探索,在中央与地方关系问题上,孙中山最后形成了一种集联邦制与集权制两者之长的均权构想,希望中央与地方关系以此达到分权而不分裂、集权而不专制的最佳境界。孙中山这一均权构想,是中国政治制度现代化进程中的一笔宝贵财富     

“文革小报”的文献及其研究价值

文化大革命期间出现的由群众组织创办的各类小报,简称文革小报,它是研究文革史的重要文献之一。文革小报一般由地方群众组织创办,刊载符合该组织政治倾向的社论、评论及批判文章,选择性地转载同一政治倾向的其他组织的文章,刊登来自中央或省的会议或文件及其相关精神,反映不同派系组织之间争斗或争论的问题,适量刊     

民初广东军政府建立的共和制度及其失败

在辛亥革命的高潮中,广东的资产阶级民主革命家们组织了地方民主共和政权——中华民国广东军政府。广东军政府在民国初年政治风云变幻和新旧势力急剧争斗的政坛上,奋斗了近21个月时间,为在广东建立资产阶级的政治、经济制度及社会新秩     

南朝刘宋免官制度初探

免官是刘宋政权处罚罪吏的一种常用手段。刘宋政权在政治运作中广泛采用免官手段处罚直接威胁封建专制政权的犯罪、职务犯罪、军事犯罪、妨害社会管理秩序的犯罪、违礼犯罪等,且犹以惩罚直接威胁封建专制政权的犯罪和职务犯罪两大类为主。刘宋皇帝控制了免官起复权,但刘宋时期对罪吏免官后再叙的期限是没有严格规定的。刘宋免官制度对于强化皇权、整饬吏治、提高行政效率有着积极作用。     

文化力与综合国力关系研究

本文从系统论角度分析界定了综合国力的概念,指出文化力是综合国力的动力源,并阐明了大力发展文化力是综合国力可持续发展的关键所在。     

毛泽东“放权”改革的路径与特征分析

本文主要分析了社会主义改造前后毛泽东提出"放权"改革的历史动因和理论依据,阐述了毛泽东"放权"改革的路径选择,理性地总结和分析了毛泽东"放权"改革的特征.认为毛泽东"放权"改革的目的是为了解放生产力,但是他的"放权"改革没有触及国家与企业的实质关系,也未能真正理顺中央、地方、企业的关系,中央和地方分权主要是行政分权,忽视了市场机制的作用;没有将以"放权"为核心内容的经济管理体制改革与政治体制改革结合起来,同步推进"放权"改革;对中央和地方的权力分配上没有掌握好一个合适的界限,"放权"和"收权"都带有很大的主观随意性.     

侯马东周祭祀遗址出土玉器材质的矿物学测试及产源分析

山西侯马西高及晋田热力公司东周祭祀遗址4件出土玉器残片样品经过比重测试、红外光谱物相分析、X射线粉晶衍射分析、显微结构观察及稳定同位素等矿物学测试和产源分析,发现其中的西高(J580、J332)和热力公司(JK728)3件样品是来自新疆和田地区的闪玉石,热力公司(JK659)样品是蛇纹石化大理岩。     

‘They Finally Found Out that We Really Are Men’: Violence,Non‐Violence and Black Manhood in the Civil Rights Era

This article explores how peaceful protest and armed resistance reflected and shaped certain gender identities in the southern US civil rights movement and the Black Power movement, and reveals much about the significance of violence for ‘marginalised masculinities’ within the African American freedom struggle of the 1950s and 1960s. In the Deep South, civil rights organisers found that their non‐violent strategy's connotations of effeminate submissiveness hampered attempts to win over black men to the movement's cause. Conversely, those African Americans who decided to use armed force to protect the movement against racist attacks were proud of their ability to defend themselves and their communities. A comparison of armed resistance efforts in southern civil rights campaigns with those of post‐1965 Black Power groups such as the Black Panther Party shows both commonalities and differences with regard to the inter‐relationship between self‐defence and gender. In the southern movement, the affirmation of manhood remained a by‐product of the physical imperative to protect black lives against racism. Among Black Power militants and their black nationalist precursors, self‐defence, while initially intended to stop police brutality and other racist oppression, ultimately became mainly a symbol of militant black manhood. The Black Power movement's affirmative message countered stereotypes of black male powerlessness and instilled a positive black identity into many activists, but the gendered discourse it produced also tended to perpetuate black women's subordination.     

The House of Nassau between France and Independence, 1795–1814: Lesser Powers,Strategies of Conflict Resolution,Dynastic Networks

The historical agency of the small- and medium-sized historical actors, the so-called Lesser Powers, remains much neglected in the historiography of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic period. The reason for this is that hitherto historians have failed to develop a historical perspective that does justice to the particularities of Lesser Power agency. This article explores the historical agency of two Lesser Powers, Nassau and the Netherlands, in the Revolutionary and Napoleonic era, though with a particular emphasis on the era of the reconstruction of the post-Napoleonic international order, the years 1812–15. By viewing the agency of these historical actors through the prism of the dynastic network of the House of Nassau, rather than through the prism of its component parts, the Walramian Nassaus of Weilburg, Usingen and Saarbrücken and the Ottonian Nassaus, commonly referred to as the House of Orange-Nassau, the ruling dynasty of the Dutch Republic, this article offers a new approach to researching Lesser Power strategies of international conflict resolution, thereby hopefully contributing to the creation of a much-needed historical narrative of Lesser Powers.     

The Abeng’s Call: The Articulation of Place and the International in Black Power Print Production

This article engages with radical Black Power print production in order to examine the articulation of Black practices of place-making and Black internationalist spatial politics. These spatial politics and practices are developed through engagement with the Jamaican Black Power newspaper Abeng which was produced at the height of Black Power activity on the island in 1969. The paper draws on Black Geographies scholarship to demonstrate that Abeng represented a material and discursive means through which subaltern practices and places of resistance in Jamaica were enacted in opposition to and excess of plantation spatialities and regimes on the island. The carving out of such subaltern places allowed for the articulation of transnational imaginaries and translocal solidarities with similarly aligned communities and struggles across the diasporic world. The Abeng newspaper was again central in crafting these imagined Black internationalist geographies and coeval praxes of transnational solidarity.     

Back to the garden: communes, the environment, and antiurban pastoralism at the end of the sixties

This essay examines the complicated relationship among hippie communes, the environmental movement, and New Left and Black Power militants in the late 1960s and early 1970s. In those relationships lie the roots of the divide that separated environmental issues on one hand and urban issues on the other during the 1970s and beyond. This essay examines how the fight between militants and back-to-the-land communards and environmentalists, between what we might call urban progressives and antiurban progressives, was staged as a fight between those who cared about the issues of the city and those who turned their backs on them. In this way, this essay locates the city more centrally in politics of the era.     

From Militant Particularism to Anti‐neoliberalism? The Anti‐Enron Movement in India

Abstract: The memorandum of understanding between Enron and the Maharashtra State Electricity Board, signed on 20 June 1992, set in motion the Dabhol Power Project, the largest corporate‐led venture in Indian history. But even while the project was gaining official clearance, it attracted considerable local opposition on environmental and livelihood related grounds. Additionally, the fact that Enron was awarded the contract by the Congress Party led state government of Maharashtra, in the absence of procedural transparency and open bidding, entangled the project in deep controversy. This paper, based on fieldwork, examines opposition to the Dabhol Power Project. I particularly focus on the relevance of militant particularism, and the importance of counter‐hegemony of the working class and/or the subaltern counter‐public in the context of multi‐scaled manifestations of neoliberal power.      

郑韩故城热电厂墓地出土青铜器的初步分析

本文利用金相显微镜和扫描电镜能谱仪对郑韩故城热电厂墓地出土的l5件青铜器进行了分析,发现15件铜器的材质为铅锡青铜、锡青铜;制作工艺为铸造和热锻。热电厂墓地为东周时期郑韩故城贵族墓地,青铜器的初步分析研究为研究郑韩故城冶铸技术状况提供了参考资料。