Rethinking responses towards group-homes: inclusionary legislation,supportive municipal attitudes,and place-based opposition

Little research has been devoted to uncontested human services facilities, nor to the legal frameworks siting proposals are situated in. To address these, this paper examines group-homes that operated in Jerusalem, Israel, between 2002 and 2012, identifies and explores a range of responses group-homes encounter. Results point to only low levels of opposition alongside a relatively equal distribution of group-homes across all areas of the city, including affluent neighbourhoods. Interviews with key stakeholders suggest that these results have been the outcome of a combination of inclusionary national legislation, supportive municipal attitudes and actions, and a proactive approach adopted by service-providers. Through focusing on existing group-homes we find that the characteristics of opposition depend, in part, on the stage of the group-home’s life cycle in which it occurs. Specifically, opposition occurring in the pre- and upon-siting stages resemble typical NIMBY opposition while those occurring post-siting are more place-based. These results point to the importance of examining opposition within the context of inclusionary legislation, municipal attitudes and place-based responses.     

Why Protest?

This study examines both behavioral and attitudinal dimensions of public opposition to the siting of a recycling center using inperson surveys and observed measures of behavior. This is a perfect NIMBY (not-in-my-backyard) case, as the underlying activity is widely supported while the facility to do it is opposed locally. One finding is that attitudes may differ significantly from behavior. Levels of behavioral opposition are not only lower than attitudinal opposition, but they decline more quickly with distance. A second finding is that behavioral opposition is motivated not only by perceived costs from a facility, but also by perceptions of the fairness of the siting process.     

邻避设施国内外研究进展

随着城市化进程的加快,城市规模不断扩大,公共设施水平逐步提高,不可避免地需要布局邻避设施,即NIMBY,Not In My Back Yard,"不要布局在我家后院"的设施。随着人们自我健康和保护意识的增强,邻避设施由于负面外部性的存在而面临着"邻避"的风险。如何减少其负面外部性,实现成本-效益对等,解决邻避冲突是邻避设施布局的关键。本文在总结邻避设施的概念的基础上,从邻避设施的分类入手,分别分析了国内外邻避设施的研究进展,综述了国内外邻避设施的类型、规模、选址、与周围环境的协调、困境、邻避冲突及解决方案等进展与不足,提出了未来研究的新视角,以期从发达国家邻避设施的布局中汲取经验,给我国有益的启示。     

城市邻避空间及其演变轨迹——以南京市殡葬邻避空间为例

随着我国快速城镇化的进程和城市规模的扩大,多元化的能源设施、废弃物处理设施、社会类设施、特殊交通等邻避设施必将陆续进入城市规划区,并成为城市新的风险,基于公众对不同类型邻避设施风险接受度的差异而形成了不同特征的邻避空间。本文提出了邻避空间的概念,分析了其形成机制、扩散模式和类型,在此基础上以南京市殡葬邻避空间为例,分析其在“产生-挤压-消亡-再生”的空间生命周期中,邻避空间和城市空间之间经历的“侵入-竞争-协调-融合”的互动肌理,由此形成在城市中“边缘-近郊-市区-中心”的空间演变规律及再生手法,理论上丰富了邻避设施风险认知的范式和邻避空间的分析,实践中有利于提高邻避设施在城市中的顺利布局并应对邻避冲突。     

The Low-Level Radioactive Waste Siting Process in Connecticut

The national policy to manage low-level radioactive waste (LLRW) from commercial nuclear power plants and other generators appears to be at a standstill with regard to siting new LLRW disposal facilities in the states. Regional compacts have been established and host stales designated in most compacts, but the NIMBY problem has proved insurmountable. Connecticut has been added to the growing list of states that have experienced siting setbacks and failures. This case study describes and analyzes the Connecticut experience. We show that siting was derailed by a technical-rationality approach that ignored the political dimensions of siting until it was too late, and by the consequent and powerful NIMBY reaction that ensued. We consider the national LLRW policy dimensions of siting failures and suggest possible policy alternatives for siting LLRW disposal facilities.     

How electoral integrity affects voter turnout in democracies

Does electoral integrity affect turnout? And if so, how? We analysed some variables that are closely related to electoral integrity – government actions, opposition actions, and the context in which the election is held – and find significant impact on turnout. We argue that higher turnout is often found in elections with higher electoral integrity. We tested our claims using data for over 700 elections covering 85 democracies for the 1950–2008 period. Results reveal that both boycott and election-related violence decrease turnout, but the effect of the former is substantially higher. We also find that, contrary to initial expectations, governments’ harassment of the opposition and the occasional banning of parties actually increases turnout.     

Public opinion and policy responsiveness: the case of same-sex marriage in Australia

This article examines congruence between public opinion and politicians’ positions on same-sex marriage in the Australian House of Representatives from 2012 to 2016. In contrast median voter theorem and other office-motivated frameworks, Australian federal politicians have largely ignored majority opinion, which has been supportive of same-sex marriage for a decade. Using a unique dataset (n?=?601,550) of voter preferences collected during the 2013 federal election, and collated Hansard and media data, we compare public opinion on same-sex marriage with politicians’ public positions. We find a status quo bias, suggesting the influence of special interest groups in this policy area. Yet, we also find parliamentarians are responsive to public opinion once it reaches a critical level, and that very low opposition to same-sex marriage in an electorate predicts policy support from its MP, which varies by party and over time.     

Compared to What? Changes in Interest Group Resources and the Proposal and Adoption of State Teacher Policy

What is the relationship between changes in interest group resources and the proposal and adoption of state policy? Using a dataset of proposed and enacted teacher policies across five legislative cycles in all 50 states and measures of interest group relative and absolute resource strength, I estimate a series of within-state fixed effects models that gain identification from changes in interest group resources and teacher policy over time. I find that legislatures propose more unfavorable and fewer favorable policies toward teachers' unions in states where teachers' union opposition interest groups are expending more election (but not lobbying) resources over time. Further, I find that more unfavorable and fewer favorable policies are adopted in states where teachers' union opposition groups are growing in election resource strength. Expanding on prior empirical work, this study suggests that interest group resources matter for policy change and highlights the importance of capturing interest group resource dynamics over time.     

Le trait d'union musical tiré par mersenne entre encyclopédie et rhétorique académique

This paper is a survey of Father Mersenne's views about the classification of sciences, its reasons and its practical consequences. Some emphasis is put on the interconnection between Mersenne's two major ideas about the practice of science: scientific research is an activity mostly devoted to religious apology and to the edification of the people. This religious concern allows him to resist two of the most influential philosophical streams of his time, scepticism and alchemy, which provide some of the major opposition to his works. We also show how an analogical kinship based on theological considerations and on the classification of sciences leads to the same kind of arguments shaping his views about arithmetic, language, and music. Finally, we focus on the connection between Mersenne's theses, especially about the nature and virtue of language and sound, and a more general discussion of the scientific status of music and language in the context of the blooming of academies.     

Political Power and Policy Design: Why Are Policy Alternatives Constrained?

Little research examines the stage of the policy process during which policy alternatives are formulated. Using quantitative and qualitative data from Swedish local politics, we address this deficiency by analyzing the process by which the number of specific policy alternatives is reduced. The findings suggest that, in approximately 20 percent of issues, more than one alternative will reach all politicians making the binding decisions. Most local politicians, in both the majority and opposition factions, think that they lack sufficient information on alternative policy designs. We also find a “political bias,” that is, alternatives are discarded at an early stage because they are deemed not politically feasible. Politicians outside the inner circles, especially those with higher education, would like to see more policy alternatives to discuss and from which they can make choices.     

Markets,Transaction Costs and Institutions: Compensating for Nuclear Risk in Japan

This article explores the nature, role and effectiveness of compensation mechanisms in managing the political constraints to the siting or development of nuclear projects in Japan. Statistical analysis reveals that the relationship between compensation and income is a key dynamic characterising the history of the marketplace for nuclear facilities in Japan. The commodification and trading of risks for benefits is governed by a sophisticated institutional and policy framework which acts to lower the transaction costs of market exchange. The interaction between the market and the institutional dynamic has generated a curious pattern of both NIMBY ('not in my backyard') and YIMBY ('yes, in my backyard') responses to nuclear development in Japan.     

辛亥革命的再認識

將辛亥革命置於晚清民國歷史的整體脈絡中進行考察,溝通古今中外,不要單純由革命中心外鑠,可見辛亥時期朝野各方均致力於知識與體制的全面變革,使得中國社會的重要領域迅速發生革命性變動@些變動受到中、西、東學及體制的糾結影響,圍繞各類趨新活動又形成各種勢力錯綜複雜的聯繫。只有不爲變化即進化,現在即現代的成見所囿,回到歷史現場,理解古往今來中外各種思想學説制度的本意,及其依時空演進而呈現的流變,所論纔能適得其所,既具有系統且不涉附會,使得包括革命在内的辛亥時期之於中國歷史發展的整體意義得到充分展現。     

THE ART OF NEOLIBERALIZING PARK MANAGEMENT: COMMODIFICATION,POLITICS AND HOTEL CONSTRUCTION IN PALLASYLLÄSTUNTURI NATIONAL PARK,FINLAND

Following the growth of nature‐based tourism, national parks and other protected areas have become important tourist attractions. This article examines the legislative process of revising the Act on Pallas‐Yllästunturi National Park, located in northern Finland, to enable the renovation and enlargement of the old hotel. The first draft of the government bill published in 2008 led to widespread public opposition, and thus, construction rights were reduced substantially before the new Act was passed in 2010. The main question of this article is why the Finnish government changed its policy on national park governance that had existed for decades. We assess the extent to which the changes in park governance can be interpreted as part of the worldwide neoliberalization of nature, as well as what kind of forces and values work against neoliberal management ideologies. We examine how the process of revising the Act proceeded in the Parliament and analyse on what grounds the hotel construction was defended and opposed in the discussions. Finally we ponder how the political disagreements are explained by neoliberal frames. We conclude that the neoliberal element was one part of the process, but it intertwined with local political reality creating results hardly resembling textbook definitions of neoliberal or classic liberal ideals. Mixed ideological principles, contextual economic conditions, and complex dependencies between individual actors create cases which must be analysed carefully to find out if neoliberal elements really exist and how they are transformed. Close relations between economic and political actors and creation of economic monopolies should raise doubts if vocabulary of liberalization is just a disguise of actions supporting hidden political and economic interests.     

The Arab Opposition Molehill

Arab Islamic oppositions have proven largely ineffectual in molding regime outcomes since the liberalizations of the 1980s and 1990s, although many continue to overestimate their potential for propelling reform. This article argues that a keen sense of the past is necessary when evaluating whether or not an opposition matters for political reform. Section I introduces noted scholar Juan Linz's notion of “semi‐opposition”—limited and “semi‐free” opposition groups that may sustain authoritarian regimes as much as repression. Using interviews and English and Arabic sources, Section II demonstrates historical correspondences between semi‐opposition and the Jordanian and Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (MB) organizations concerning origins and support, ideology and approach to politics, regime tolerance and political environment, and political behavior. Section III develops Linz's hypothesis on the links between semi‐opposition and authoritarian persistence by examining how the MB marginalizes and raises the costs of dissent for other opposition groups and actors. The MB is briefly contrasted with the Algerian Front Islamique du Salut (FIS) opposition party of 1989–1992 in Section IV . Decidedly not a semi‐opposition, the FIS proved far more transformative than either the Jordanian or Egyptian MB, inducing centrifugal politics and the collapse of the Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) state that governed Algeria from 1962.     

Police unions and use-of-force reforms in American cities

Following the murder of George Floyd, there was widespread debate about the policies that govern the use of force by police, but municipal leaders suggested that police unions kept many of the proposed changes from being adopted. Although there is anecdotal and scholarly evidence that unions frequently oppose policing reform, the limited literature in this area actually offers somewhat mixed conclusions about the relationship between union strength and the success of previous reform efforts. In this study, we draw on Halpin's theory of interest groups as politically adaptive organizations to develop expectations about the behavior of police unions in police governance subsystems. We hypothesize that union attempts to influence policy will correlate positively with reform adoption when the political environment is conducive to victory on that front or makes the cost of opposition too high and negatively when the opposite conditions hold. Analyses of the impact of union campaign contributions on the adoption of use-of-force policies in the 100 largest U.S. cities demonstrate that the nature and direction of union influence are moderated by the political climate of the jurisdiction in which they operate.     

‘Nature makes people happy,that’s what it sort of means:’ children’s definitions and perceptions of nature in rural Northwestern Ontario

ABSTRACT

Nature exposure positively impacts children’s physical, socio-emotional, and cognitive health and development. We know less about how children perceive their connection with nature and what nature means to them. This study uses focus groups to understand how rural Canadian children define, experience, and perceive benefits of nature. Using thematic analysis, we identified three primary themes. First, while children associate nature with specific activities, natural elements, and locations, they also conceptualize nature as ‘a whole community.’ Second, children experienced nature through doing, highlighting how activities connected them with nature while recognizing constraints on those engagements. Finally, children demonstrated agency in accessing nature to improve their emotional states. These findings indicate that from children’s views, nature is more than just space with natural elements. Children are also knowledgeable about the health benefits of nature, and capitalize on this knowledge. These findings can inform interventions to increase children’s interactions with outdoor environments.     

Zoning,More Than Just a Tool: Explaining Houston's Regulatory Practice

The intent of this article is to understand why Houstonians reject zoning while simultaneously adopting a collection of mechanisms that serve zoning-type functions. The answer is found in discursive-institutionalist approaches that emphasize the symbolic meaning (besides the instrumental value) that people give to regulatory tools. Zoning as a label is generally associated with an interference with individual liberty. Apparently, the other interventionist instruments do not carry the same negative value, which makes it possible to implement them without much opposition. Discourses shape institutions, like planning regulations, and we need to unravel and to understand these processes in order to increase the performance of planning.     

Sketching culture,sketching nature: uncovering anchors of everyday nature for urban youth

There has, historically, been considerable uncertainty over the meaning of ‘urban nature’ and, therefore, the extent to which culture and nature are bound in the urban setting. We explore, in this paper, the spatiality of everyday nature as experienced by youth in an urban setting. To do so, we draw on the results of a participatory mapping activity that was designed to elicit information about where youth felt most connected to nature while in the city. Using sketch-map survey instruments, we collected hand-drawn responses from forty-three high school students in the downtown core of Tacoma, Washington. Data were digitized and analyzed in a GIS, and results were revealing of the contingency of the ‘nature’ concept in urban space as well as the centrality of ‘loose’ space to urban experiences that are evocative of being in nature.     

Ann-Cathrin Jarl,In Justice: Women and Global Economics

Abstract

The dialectical relationship between religious and political extremism is one of the most powerful forces in the history of the Christian tradition. Two specific moments have seen a combination of the political and the religious in ways that completely transformed the religion, and the contexts in which it grew and transformed: the sixteenth-century Protestant reformation and the twentieth-century women's movement in the United States were simultaneously products and producers of political theology. A focused study of these eras leads to a proposal about two of the leading figures in the movements: Martin Luther and Mary Daly are political theologians. This label allows a comparative study of the two that leads to significant conclusions for scholars of either era, and of either theologian. We find in this unlikely comparison two reformations that shape part of the tradition that they challenge.     

QUANTIFYING KNOWLEDGE SPILLOVERS USING SPATIAL ECONOMETRIC MODELS

ABSTRACT This paper seeks to develop our understanding of the somewhat diffuse nature of technological externalities and space by associating a geographical dimension with the sectoral dimension. Using a panel data set containing French patents as well as private and public research expenditures by industry and region over the period from 1992 to 2000, this paper estimates a knowledge production function. The region‐ and industry‐specific nature of the sample data allows us to empirically examine spatial spillovers associated with public and private research expenditures in own‐ and other‐industry sectors for our sample of 94 French regions. We find that the largest direct and indirect effects are associated with private R&D activity that spills across industry boundaries. However, since Jacobs externalities decrease more drastically with distance than MAR externalities, our results also point to different optimal strategies for regional versus national officials.