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1.
    
This article furthers political geographic thinking on democracy by generating and employing a conceptualisation of ‘assemblage-democracy’. Bringing an assemblage perspective to democratic thinking brings to the fore three key dimensions: the co-constitution of material and non-material connections; connectivity and associations, in particular engagement with multiple heterogeneous ‘minoritarian’ publics; and the (re)construction of spatial configurations such as scale. We employ these three dimensions of materiality, publics, and scale, in combination with the concept of (de)territorialisation to produce a geographic conceptualisation of democracy as emergent, precarious, and plural.We operationalise and refine the concept of assemblage-democracy through an empirical analysis of democratic experiments with energy resources. Specifically, we analyse negotiations involved in emergent democratic energy experiments through in-depth qualitative empirical study of community-owned energy projects in the UK, asking what kind of democracy emerges with new technologies and how? In answering this question, we demonstrate the fragile, contingent, and contested nature of democratic practices and connections produced in the (re)enactment of energy infrastructures. In doing so, this article also shows how an assemblage lens can offer a renewed understanding of how democratic politics is configured through material resource governance.  相似文献   

2.
    
ABSTRACT

As we witness increasing numbers and range of low carbon experiments, attention inevitably turns to how they are sustained and whether they can generate more systemic change in carbon-related consumption. This paper responds to the ‘spatial turn’ in socio-technical transitions, and the ‘practice turn’ in social theory to consider the role of intermediary organizations in potential shifts from experiments to institutional arrangements favouring transitions.

Through the example of Climate Change Alliances in Victoria, Australia, the paper examines how such intermediary organizations seek to experiment and in so doing contribute towards institution building. With a focus on the interstitial spaces between local authorities, regional firms, agencies, and state governments we speculate on the prospects for systemic change given the resources, positioning and social strategies of the Alliances as intermediary institution builders.  相似文献   

3.
Abstract

The Climate Challenge Fund (CCF) is the Scottish Government's flagship initiative addressing the twenty-first century's core concern: environmental challenges. The CCF seeks to reduce carbon emissions explicitly through community. Building on community's long and strong social science heritage, this paper outlines the CCF's tacit and unspoken community assumptions. Through these assumptions, this policy (re)produces, prefigures and performs a particular form of community, this being community's elision with locality, and synonym for place, rurality or neighbourhood. Taking on these tacit assumptions is demonstrative of their belief in the effectiveness of such community. After exploring the CCF, its source and structure, the paper delves into empirical work situated at all levels of the CCF's funding chain. It then teases out how the assumptions around – and the need to demonstrate – community help determine the projects selected, and subsequently the vision of community chosen, enacted and mobilised. The CCF (re)produces a particular vision of community with implications for who receives funding, how environmental action is framed and also for the future of community in Scotland.  相似文献   

4.
    
As a form of state-led transnationalism, diaspora strategies have garnered much scholarly attention over the past two decades. Yet, the robust intellectual field still sees a dearth of works addressing how the power of the sending state is lived and experienced in the prosaic lives of transnationality. This paper fills the gap by examining the grounded ramifications of a specific approach that the Chinese government deploys to cultivate diaspora. It prioritizes coopting civil association leaders (hui-zhang) from populations abroad for diaspora governance. I unpack how street-level bureaucracies involved in the execution of this sending state strategy has been exploited by the Chinese entrepreneurs in Laos through qualitative fieldwork. My analysis reveals that these situated actors scrambled to set up their own diaspora associations in an attempt to make themselves hui-zhang eligible for the home country government's targeted engagement. In doing so, they accessed opportunities to appropriate and rework resources from the Chinese state for self-interested accumulation of symbolic and social capital. Both forms of capital are crucial to propel their wealth amassment in private career as intermediaries who extract commissions and kickbacks by brokering Chinese investments into Laos. Detailing these dynamics, the paper elucidates how the power of the sending state is disseminated and enacted through mundane and pragmatic improvisations of diasporic actors. Empirics presented also bring forward a nuanced understanding of the de facto convoluted relations between the Chinese government and the overseas Chinese populations.  相似文献   

5.
牛先锋 《攀登》2006,25(3):34-37
实现区域社会和谐发展是构建社会主义和谐社会的基础。我国地域宽广,不同区域在经济社会发展程度、自然资源、生态环境、历史文化传统及其所面临的问题等方面,都有自身的特点。从民主法治、公平正义、诚信友爱、安定有序、充满活力、人与自然和谐相处等六个方面入手,结合区域自身特点,切实解决区域社会和谐发展中面临的现实问题,不断推进区域社会和谐,进而由每一个区域的社会和谐,走向全社会的和谐,这可能是构建社会主义和谐社会合理的路径选择。  相似文献   

6.
吴光芸 《攀登》2006,25(3):38-41
社区和谐是社会和谐的微观基础,构建和谐社会应该从社区治理入手。而社区居民之间普遍的信任、互惠的规范和通过自主组织所建立起来的致密的社会参与网络构成了社区居民合作所依赖的社会资本,这些社会资本既是社区治理的基础,也是实现社区发展和社会和谐的社会资源。因而有必要认清我国社会资本的现状,培育社会资本以有利于和谐社会的实现。  相似文献   

7.
清末地方自治包括府厅州县和城镇乡地方自治两个层级,并建构了两个层级不同的官治与自治模式,即在城镇乡一级实行"以自治辅助官治",而府厅州县则实行"自治与官治合并"之制度。两种模式都借鉴了日本自治制度,但都有所不同。就清末城镇乡地方自治的运行来看,由于地方自治章程赋予官府监督自治之权,也由于自治团体为谋求地方利益,常常也会与官府对立,所以,官治与自治常常处于矛盾冲突之中。  相似文献   

8.
  总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Jie Shen  Fulong Wu 《对极》2017,49(3):761-780
Drawing attention to the governing role of capital accumulation and its interaction with the state, this study examines the dynamics of the new wave of suburbanization in China, which is characterized by the development of new towns. New towns essentially function as a spatial fix in China's contemporary accumulation regime. Rather than resulting from capital switching from the primary to the secondary circuits, new towns help to collect funds for the leverage of industrial capital and thus simultaneously sustain both circuits. Meanwhile, the development of new towns is also a process of territorial development, in which municipal governments expand the space of accumulation under strengthened fiscal and land controls and develop a metropolitan structure. Underlying the specific form and dynamics, however, is the worldwide trend of capital switching from declining manufacturing industries in developed countries to the new investment frontier in developing countries.  相似文献   

9.
    
Jeroen Klink 《对极》2014,46(3):629-649
Despite regulatory and financial rollout of the state at a number of scales, and a strengthening of the institutional framework that guides territorial planning and management, Brazilian metropolitan governance continues to be characterized by fragmented and relatively competitive organizational structures. Likewise, the Brazilian metropolis is marked by economic dynamism and intense socio‐spatial and environmental contradictions. Much of the mainstream literature on metropolitan governance has emphasized a natural “optimum” scale for planning and management in city‐regions, articulated by public and private stakeholders aimed at the coordinated delivery of economic, social and environmental services. Combining the literature on new state spaces and critical Brazilian urban‐regional studies, this paper provides an alternative framework to understand the impasse of Brazilian metropolitan areas, which is grounded within a geo‐historic reading of the contradictory projects and strategies of the developmental state and the contested nature of metropolitan scale itself.  相似文献   

10.
马建武 《攀登》2010,29(4):99-101
低碳经济的特征是低能耗、低污染、低排放,这种经济发展模式在给青海经济社会的发展带来巨大挑战的同时,也带来了前所未有的机遇。以低能耗、低污染、低排放为基础的低碳经济必将成为实现青海可持续发展的必由之路。  相似文献   

11.
    
If any organization ought to be immune to the forces of financialization, it is a publicly funded university in corporatist Europe. Shielded from the intrusion by financial metrics, values and professionals through a strong historically rooted tradition of self‐management by powerful professional guilds, continental universities should largely have avoided the marketization and managerialization of Anglophone universities. Not so, this case study of a Dutch public university suggests. From 1995 onwards, a shift in real estate management—devolving responsibilities from the Dutch state to universities—served as a Trojan horse for financialization, triggering changes in organizational culture and a power shift from teaching and research professionals to accountants, real‐estate developers, financiers and their ilk. This case suggests that the power of finance is such that no societal domain is immune. The paper ends with a call for more non‐metropolitan case studies of financialization and argues that the only hope for salvation is a more self‐conscious defense of traditional academic values by the guardians of higher learning themselves.  相似文献   

12.
This paper argues that neoliberalism should be viewed not as a unified coherent project but as a series of complex and overlapping strategies that produce hybrid and always emergent forms of governance. To substantiate this argument, the paper reflects on the recent history of Sydney's metropolitan planning and rejects any simple characterisation of its having been transformed from a social‐democratic to a neoliberal form of governance. Instead it traces the unevenness with which neoliberalist aspirations and forms of governance have been enacted through metropolitan planning. In particular, it examines the enduring scope of state institutional capacity to pursue desired spatial and distributional outcomes through planning and suggests that the current reinvigoration of Sydney's metropolitan planning is an opportunity to enhance that capacity and to pursue ‘after‐neoliberalist’ planning possibilities.  相似文献   

13.
India's nearly 1-million strong band of quasi-volunteer accredited social health activists (ASHAs) have been key actors in government efforts to control COVID-19. Utilizing a nationalist rhetoric of war, ASHAs were swiftly mobilized by the government in March 2020 as ‘COVID warriors’ engaged in tracking illness, disseminating information, and caring for quarantined individuals. The speed at which ASHAs were mobilized into mentally and physically grueling labor was all the more stunning given these minimally paid community health workers have long been seen to have low morale given their precarious, informalized work arrangements. Building on work examining the spatialities of global health governance alongside literature on geographic contingency, this paper explores the ways that nationalist COVID-19 war rhetoric promulgated from Delhi worked as a technology of health governance to propel ASHAs into certain forms of action, yet also opened up spaces of potentiality for them to reimagine their relationship to both the state and the communities they serve. In particular, in our analysis of in-depth telephone interviews with ASHA workers in the state of Himachal Pradesh, we find that their hailing as COVID warriors inspired patriotic calls to duty and legitimized their (long over-looked) roles as critical governance actors, yet also was subject to resistance and reworking due to a combination of institutional histories, local politics, as well as happenstantial everyday encounters of ASHA work. The precarious employment of ASHAs – in terms of basic remuneration as well as the great on-the-job risks that they have faced – underscores both the fragile nature of India's health governance system as well as possible political movements for its renewal. We conclude by calling for geographers to give greater attention to community health care workers as a key window into understanding the uneven ways in which health systems are made manifest on the ground, and their ability to respond to citizens' healthcare needs – both in the COVID-19 pandemic and beyond.  相似文献   

14.
NOx是文物保存环境的一类重要的污染物,近期采用资源丰富、价格便宜的竹材及竹炭作为吸附剂去除污染物成为热点.本工作采用低温竹炭净化低氮氧化物,并对效果的影响因素进行了探讨,使用扫描电镜对低温竹炭表面形态进行了研究.研究表明,低温竹炭处理浓度在133~457 μg/m3NO时,处理效率可以达到84%~94%,处理浓度在82~453 μg/m3NO2时,处理效率可以达到93.3%~97.7%.当NO和NO2同时存在时,NOx在500 μg/m3时(NO:NO2=2:1),NO的处理效果下降,仅能达到44.7%,但是NO2的处理效果变化不大,仍可以达到98%.  相似文献   

15.
    
Abstract: The state is often described in transition: public spaces are rearranged by private companies, national social welfare is being privatized to some extent, and supranational institutions have more influence on national policies. “A view from the kitchen” (Diane Elson) is helpful for understanding the changing dynamics of states and societies because different women are affected by these policies in different and often ambiguous ways: women of the globalized South migrate to the North, creating global care chains, while women in Western industrialized countries are confronted with changing welfare regimes, leaving mainly highly educated women to profit from this situation. This article contributes to feminist debates on economic globalization and state internationalization. Our feminist materialist perspective allows a critical view on dominance and power in “governance”. Thus, the article adds to feminist debates on globalization from the perspective of state transformation and to debates on governance from the perspective of state transformation grounded in gendered social relations.  相似文献   

16.
17.
    
This paper advances a households-in-place perspective to understanding socio-spatial disadvantage in energy-carbon restructuring. This reflects evidence that the costs and benefits of low carbon restructuring will not be distributed evenly or fairly between people and places. Some households and localities will benefit from decarbonization but others will be disproportionately affected by rising energy costs and job loss. In this paper we use the example of England to explore different dimensions of advantage and disadvantage in low carbon restructuring and how they might be reinforced or mediated by intervention by governments, NGOs and citizens. The paper makes a distinctive contribution by linking different sites and policy areas in the distributional politics of decarbonization from the perspective of individuals and households. Emphasis is placed on understanding just energy-carbon transitions from a households-in-place perspective. The analytical framework is exemplified through case studies of the coming to ground of different strands of energy-carbon restructuring in England.  相似文献   

18.
国家级新区的空间生产与治理尺度建构   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
殷洁  罗小龙  肖菲 《人文地理》2018,33(3):89-96
国家级新区是近年来备受瞩目的新国家空间类型。首先,论文从新国家空间的理论视角出发,认为国家级新区是我国新时期国家空间选择偏好从城市内部空间转变为城市群体空间的产物,是国家为参与全球城市竞争和承接全球产业转移而在城市-区域尺度上构建的新地域组织。其次,论文研究了国家级新区的空间生产,发现其在微观尺度上具有多尺度行政区跨界联合的特征,并且表现出自上而下和自下而上相结合的机制。然后,基于空间生产与尺度重组的密切联系,论文同时研究了国家级新区治理建构的情况。通过分析不同类型的国家级新区空间治理结构,发现影响国家级新区尺度重组进程的关键因素,是新尺度与原有行政区划的耦合程度。最后,在上述研究的基础上,论文对国家级新区未来治理改革提出了政策建议。  相似文献   

19.
ABSTRACT In Vanuatu, the police force has in recent years been strengthened by foreign government aid. AusAid and NZAid are heavily involved inside the police force, seeking to create ‘good governance’ and to shape Vanuatu's national developments. However, these measures also coincide with some other unexpected developments. Recent cases of violence, and especially of sorcery, have led the police to intervene in a quest for moral order. Police are becoming part of the articulation of new occult understandings of wealth and power. These developments are traced back partly to the history of colonial governance and the idea of righteous violence, but also to current restructurings of the Vanuatu state and growing Christian conceptions of Vanuatu as a holy nation.  相似文献   

20.
    
The Low Countries became one of the most urbanised regions in late-medieval Europe. This article analyses the consequences of urbanisation and also state formation for the nobility in Zeeland. Noble lords remained the dominant political power, the result of their position in the States of Zeeland, but only a significant minority of the nobility was active in state service or urban government. The Zeeland towns offered the nobility a range of opportunities for service, and political, economic and familial networks developed across social boundaries. The nature of these ties depended on the status and objectives of those involved, making late-medieval society in Zeeland more complex than merely a division between nobility and burghers. Zeeland also illustrates the regional diversity within the Low Countries in the position of the nobility in urban society. It refutes the idea that they were transformed into a state nobility and shows that the chances of social mobility for the inhabitants of the small towns of Zeeland were slight.  相似文献   

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