瑞典东印度公司与中国

１７世纪初,正处于资本主义发展阶段的欧洲大国纷纷建立各自的东印度公司,争先恐后地凭借武力挤进东方贸易圈,争夺对东印度的贸易独占权。“这种独占公司是１７世纪处于发展中的资本主义国家资本积累的强有力的杠杆”①。向来在国际事务中不甘寂寞的瑞典由于战争的羁绊...     

“哥德堡”号走私鸦片的反思

“哥德堡”号商船的主人瑞典东印度公司,虽然号称从未向中国贩运过鸦片,但其实是中国贩运鸦片的始作俑者。清廷对国内社会各阶层普遍吸食鸦片现象控制不力,从而变相助长了西方列强的鸦片倾销行为,加速了晚清封建社会的崩溃。     

漫谈英属东印度公司的流通硬币和威廉四世银卢比的版式

作为英国对东方进行商业垄断贸易和殖民扩张的组织．英属东印度公司1612年开始在印度建立据点,1639年以每年600英镑的代价租得马德拉斯村庄的土地,筑成乔治堡城。后来发展为马德拉斯市。1661年,葡萄牙国王将孟买作为公主的嫁妆赠给英王查理二世。1687年,查理二世把孟买转让给了东印度公司,公司将商馆从苏拉特迁到孟买。1689年．公司董事会决定在印度增加税收、扩大贸易、保持武力、建立国家,从此东印度公司不再是一个单纯的贸易机构,而是拥有武装的政权机构。到17世纪末,东印度公司已牢固地统治了孟买、马德拉斯、加尔各答及部分内地城市。1757年印度沦为英国殖民地。此后六十年间东印度公司统治了整个印度。     

清代广州外销画中的瓷器烧造图研究——以瑞典隆德大学图书馆收藏为例

瑞典隆德大学(Lund University)图书馆收藏的一套50幅的中国瓷器烧造图,是18世纪上半期绘制于广州的早期外销画作品,由瑞典东印度公司首任大班坎贝尔从广州购回,是目前所知的数量最多的一套瓷器烧造图。这套广州外销画的早期图册,为我们了解早期外销画的发展、早期中瑞贸易史、瑞典早期远东科学考察史以及中国瓷器生产史,提供了非常珍贵的图像资料,其历史价值和文化价值值得肯定。     

简析英属印度时期的流通硬币种类

公元1600年一批英国伦敦的商人出资成 立了英属东印度公司。公司成立后获得英女王 伊丽莎白一世的特许权,垄断在东印度也就是 印度、马来群岛等地的贸易权。随着东印度公 司的不断发展和扩张,逐渐取得了在英王的特 许中可筑城养兵、缔结盟约、开战媾和、审理 刑事和民事案件以及铸造钱币等权利。 1835年英属东印度公司开始正式以公 司名义发行钱币,硬币的材质分银质和青铜 质两种。银币的正面有英王威廉四世的头 像,背面中心是面值、交叉的月桂枝花环 上缘环书东印度公司(EASTINDIACOM PANY),下缘为发行年份。铜币的图案是东 …     

东印度公司与明清瓷器外销

明清时期中欧海上航线开通后,中国的瓷器、丝绸、茶叶在西方广受欢迎,荷兰、英国等国家组建东印度公司从事与东方的贸易。东印度公司在中国瓷器大量销往海外的过程中发挥着至关重要的作用。这一时期,明清政权交替、西方列强对海上霸权的争夺战争等中外时局变化与重大历史事件对中国瓷器的输出以及中外瓷器贸易的格局产生重大影响。     

中英西藏战争百年祭

1757年,英国东印度公司的一支英国远征军击败了印度莫卧儿王国副王率领的印度军队后,最终控制了印度次大陆。     

辛亥革命前英国对西藏的经济侵略和攫取的经济特权

一、1890年《藏印条约》签订前英国的经济侵略1768年2月,伦敦东印度公司董事会向英属印度孟加拉当局发出一封指示信,内称:“你们应尽最大的努力了解能否与尼泊尔建立贸易关系,以及布匹和其他欧洲商品能否经此运往西藏、拉萨和中国西部地区”。这一指示标志着英国殖民者已把侵略目标明确指向西藏。英属印度殖民当局企图先用外交手段打开对西藏进行经济侵略的大门。1774年,     

探寻遣唐使圆仁僧入唐路径

《大唐西域记》、《入唐求法巡礼行记》和《马可·波罗游记》并称为中外文化交流的三大文化游记。其中前两部又被誉为记录佛学东渐的姊妹篇。《大唐西域记》是玄奘西去印度求法的记载,而《人唐求法巡礼行记》则是日本僧人圆仁来大唐求法的旅行日记。前者翻山越岭,征途漫漫,取得真经;后者破风踏浪,历尽艰辛,让佛学东传,修成中日友谊佳话。     

汉口第一租界——英租界（下）

洋行之王：怡和洋行 1827年,一个叫威廉·渣甸的英籍随船医生被他的雇主英国东印度公司解雇了。公司给了他两箱鸦片作为补偿金。长期随船走水的威廉·渣甸深知鸦片在中国的市场,于是他带着两箱鸦片到了广州。     

Multilateralism and the Shaping of an ‘Active Foreign Policy’: Sweden during the preparatory phase of the CSCE

This article deals with the early reactions of Swedish decision-makers and diplomats on the idea and preparations for the convocation of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), mainly during the years 1969–1971. On the basis of recently declassified diplomatic sources from the archive of the Swedish Foreign Ministry, the study outlines the role of Swedish diplomacy in the preparatory phase of the security conference as part of the wider context of European neutrality during détente. It is the very first contribution to the historiography of the Helsinki process based on Swedish archival material, and suggests that the picture of Sweden's widely mentioned active foreign policy at that time should be further scrutinized. It also sheds new light on the paradox between Swedish involvement in European and global politics.     

SWEDISH EXPLORERS,IN-SITU KNOWLEDGE,AND RESOURCE-BASED BUSINESS IN THE AGE OF EMPIRE

The period from 1870 to 1914 plays a unique role in the history of natural resource exploration and extraction. This article analyses, from a Swedish viewpoint, the connections between two actor categories of special importance in this context: scientific-geographical explorers and industrial actors. The article examines their activities in three broadly defined regions: the Arctic, Russia, and Africa. We show that the Swedes generally had far-reaching ambitions, on par with those of the large imperial powers. In some cases, notably in Africa, Sweden was not able to compete with the larger imperial powers; but in other cases, such as the exploration of the Arctic – from Spitsbergen to Siberia – and the industrial exploitation of coal at Spitsbergen and petroleum in Russia’s colonial periphery, Swedish actors played a leading role, in competition with players from the larger European nations. Our paper shows that scientific exploration and industry were closely linked, and that foreign policy also influenced the shaping of these links. We distinguish different types of knowledge produced by the Swedish actors, pointing to local, situated knowledge as the most important type for many resource-based businesses, although modern, scientific knowledge was on the increase during this period.     

Comprehending the Qing Empire: Building Multilingual Competence in an Age of Imperial Rivalry, 1792–1820*

Abstract

European knowledge of the four dominant languages of the Qing Empire, Chinese, Manchu, Mongolian, and Tibetan, was transformed between 1792 and 1820 as a consequence of the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars. Although these conflicts did not dramatically alter European political relations with the Qing Empire, they inaugurated a series of more subtle changes that collectively produced this surge in linguistic ability. First, this period saw unprecedented European interest in, and access to, the inland frontiers of the Qing Empire. Such access convinced some that China was newly accessible through the empire’s diverse Inner Asian territories, leading them to plan bold ventures in diplomacy, trade, proselytization, and academic research. These ambitious projects, although rarely accomplishing their goals, stimulated research by seeming to demand new linguistic capabilities for their execution. The fact that they often envisioned crossing Inner Asia to reach China explains why progress in Chinese occurred together with Manchu, Mongolian, and Tibetan. Another factor promoting a sudden surge in multilingual competence was the speed with which breakthroughs could now be communicated through imperial and trans-imperial networks. Printing, evangelical and learned societies, and new professional opportunities, gave European scholars unprecedented access to advances made on or near the Qing frontier.     

Die Lektorate für schwedische Sprache in Deutschland im Kontext der auswärtigen Kulturpolitik 1917–1930

The Lectureships for Swedish in Germany in the Context of Cultural Diplomacy 1917–1930. During the Weimar Republic a significant number of lectureships for Swedish was established at German universities. This paper attempts to explain this development through an analysis of the political and academic context of these establishments. Focussing on the actors involved the lectureships are linked to the emerging interest of the German state for public diplomacy emerging after World War I and the following reactions of German academia. The paper also treats the importance of the main Swedish actor, namely the association for the preservance of Swedishness abroad for the establishments of the lectureships. At the end the different actors working for Swedish lectureships in Germany are placed in a broader European context and questions concerning the relationship between universities and cultural diplomacy are raised and answered.     

民国时期留美西洋史学者与美国的西洋史学术传统——以博士论文为中心的考察

民国时期留美西洋史学者是中国的留美生中一个非常特殊的群体,国内史学界对他们的留学生涯,特别是博士论文关注较少。这批学者在博士论文的选题上颇具特色,具有强烈的现实关怀、关注国内重大的史学争论、主要侧重欧洲国家的历史。几篇博士论文运用了大量的一手史料,在研究视角上也很有新意,所以得到了导师和美国史学界的认可。几位学者在回国后形成了自己独特的治学风格,并通过授课和学术组织工作,为中国的世界史学科奠定了坚实的基础。     

ARISTOCRATIC WEALTH AND INEQUALITY IN A CHANGING SOCIETY: SWEDEN, 1750–1900

The role of the European nobility and their ability to retain their political and economic power are part of the debate on the modernization of Europe’s economy. This paper contributes to the literature by exploring the wealth of the Swedish nobility as the country evolved from an agrarian to an industrial economy. We use a sample of 200+ probate inventories of nobles for each of the benchmark years 1750, 1800, 1850 and 1900. We show that the nobility, less than 0.5 per cent of the population, was markedly dominant in 1750: the average noble was 60 times richer than the average person, and the nobles held 29 per cent of all private wealth. 90 per cent of the nobles were richer than the average person. By 1900 the advantage of the nobles’ wealth had declined; the group held only 5 per cent of total private wealth. At the same time, stratification within the nobility had increased dramatically. One group of super-rich Swedish nobles, often large land owners from the high nobility, possessed the biggest fortunes, but a large minority of nobles were no richer than the average Swede.     

Comparative and transnational perspectives on the introduction of multiculturalism in post-war Sweden

In the 1970s, Canada, Sweden and Australia became the first countries in the West to adopt formally the idea of multiculturalism as a basis for the political management of immigrant settlement. This article compares the introduction of the idea and politics of multiculturalism in Sweden in the 1960s and 1970s to the introduction of multiculturalism in Canada and Australia during the same time period. The emergence of a politics of multiculturalism in Sweden shares many similarities with the emergence of Canadian and Australian multiculturalism: ‘white’ and ‘European’ immigrant minority groups; ethnic lobbying; expert and academic advocacy; multiculturalist public officials; and effectual claims-making based on the innovative idea of multiculturalism. The comparative perspective on the birth of Swedish multiculturalism furthermore highlights Finland as an important historical and transnational factor in the introduction of official multiculturalism in Sweden. The article contributes to research on the history of multiculturalism, the politics of ethnic diversity in Sweden and comparative research on modern Swedish history.     

Rethinking the representation of Gustavus Adolphus: the case of William Watts and The Swedish Intelligencer, 1630–33

ABSTRACT

Between 1630 and 1633, English newsbooks resounded with tales of King Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden’s victories against the “popish” armies of Emperor Ferdinand II. Such literary praise has been widely associated with Calvinist disapprobation of Charles I’s pacific foreign policy. This article throws new light on the alternative, non-Calvinist sources of enthusiasm for Gustavus Adolphus in the newsbook, The Swedish Intelligencer, which portrayed the Swedish king as the figurehead of a broad, confessionally flexible, pan-Protestant cause. This has important implications for our understanding of the relationship between English and European Protestant nations in the context of the Thirty Years’ Wars. News from the military camp of the Lutheran King of Sweden offered a subtle way of promoting and normalising non-Calvinist forms of worship in England, and thus provides evidence that a range of Protestants were utilising the London news presses to advance their religious agenda in the early 1630s.     

The Signing of the Sino-Iranian Treaty of 1920

This article looks at the efforts China and Iran made towards strengthening themselves and their search for independence and integrity after the First World War. Since the nineteenth century, the two countries had been in a similar situation, under pressure from treaties and rivalries with European powers. The change of the world order brought about by the 1914–18 war created an opportunity for China and Iran to claim back their rights, such as ending extra-territoriality. After the war, the Fourteen Points drawn up by the American president, Woodrow Wilson, gave hope for China and Iran to maintain their independence and integrity. During the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, China and Iran made both gains and losses. China was unable to solve the Shandong Problem but became one of the founding members of the League of Nations, while Iran did not get access to the Peace Conference but obtained Britain’s assurance of independence and integrity by signing the Anglo-Iranian Treaty of 1919, and then joined the League of Nations. China and Iran attempted to bring about cooperation between Asian countries, and therefore signed a treaty in 1920. The significance of the treaty was that the two countries agreed not to grant extra-territoriality to each other, which was what both countries were seeking to achieve at that time.     

The Face of Disobedience: obedience and insubordination in a military environment in the reign of King Charles XII of Sweden 1

In what is generally referred to as Sweden's Age of Greatness (1617–1721), Swedish armies ravaged Europe and Russia. The resulting manoeuvres, battles and sieges have been frequently described by Swedish military historians, yet rarely have the internal relationships within the Swedish armies been a topic of inquiry. This article presents one such analysis, with a focus on the relationship between military commanders and their subordinates in the age of King Charles XII of Sweden (1697–1718). By studying different types of violations of insubordination, my aim has been to identify the various informal rules that determined the nature of the subordinate–superior relationship, with a special focus upon the reasons for insubordination.