《怡红夜宴图》横幅

中国国家博物馆藏有一幅清代晚期的《怡红夜宴图》(封三)。绘制者不详。纸本、设色,纵87、横231．5厘米,系根据小说《红楼梦》第六十三回“寿怡红群芳开夜宴,死金丹独艳理亲丧”中的“寿怡红群芳开夜宴”而创作。怡红夜宴描写的是在一个月色明朗的夏夜,怡红院摆酒设宴,为贾宝玉过生日。这天宝玉请     

有关《韩熙载夜宴图》的鉴定问题

北京故宫博物院珍藏着一幅一千多年前的古典绘画——《韩熙载夜宴图》。这幅镇院之宝出自五代南唐名画家顾闳中之手,除了早已失传的《明皇击梧桐图》、《山阴图》等外,《韩熙载夜宴图》经过千年的辗转,如今竞能完整无缺地保留下来,堪称奇迹。     

故乡的百年夜宴

几代人的故事,看上去也竞如同夜宴一般,来去都那么地随意,难于言说     

周迅 灵逸之魅

在《夜宴》中,她扮演的青女,妖弱,空灵,不食世间烟火,宫廷之中一曲《越人歌》,让人穿肠,为之心动。周迅以配角入席,却成为《夜宴》遭遇笑场之后,最让人铭记的一个角色,《越人歌》甚至被认为是救场之作。     

邵小珊 不炒作还叫艺人吗?

演戏这个行业不是我最喜欢的,有机会我还是想做一些大事。艺人对于我来说,太小30岁以前要出名,之后用各种手段维持知名度,再利用知名度争取各种支持和机会,做生意《夜宴》里一脱成名的邵小珊正在名利大道上狂奔。这个时候谁要拦着她,她就得跟谁急。自打爆出“我是《夜宴》中章子怡的     

韩熙载与《夜宴图》

五代名画《韩熙载夜宴图》所描绘的主角名臣韩熙载,因在政治上不得其志而放任于歌宴恣情的生活,成为当时的一则故事。     

国宝夜宴图中的“潜伏”

这是一幅由南唐后主李煜亲手促成的画作,有着非同凡响的绘画表现形式和艺术水准,成为世人公认的国宝——《韩熙载夜宴图》。那么,这幅画作背后到底“潜伏”着怎样的传奇旧事呢？     

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韩熙载夜宴图的现实意义

"韩熙载夜宴图"相传是五代南唐大画家顾闳中的作品。毫无疑问这幅画是我国古代遗留下来的一幅杰出的人物画。画中表现了南唐大臣韩熙载的豪华纵逸的     

混血难以走红?

对一个演员来说,刀枪不入似乎往往是事业成功的标志。汤姆·克鲁斯在《谍中谍》里连高压电和激光制导导弹都打不死他,章子怡在《夜宴》里中了暗器,竟还能转过身来向刺客眉目传情。     

面对被侵略的共同体认——晚清经济民族主义思潮发生缘由蠡测

赔款、外债造成的晚清财政负担最终转嫁到国民身上,洋货与洋企的肆虐使民众利益进一步受损,国人共同的维权诉求愈来愈强,从而在公司制框架之下,演绎了资本联合,共赴国难的历史活剧。从根本上讲,晚清经济民族主义是国人感受民族危机的结果,而不是"想象的共同体"。     

The neighbor as mirror: Representations of the Korean March First Movement in modern Chinese discourses of nationalism

Abstract

The outbreak of the Korean March First Movement in 1919 was followed by intensive reporting and commentary in Chinese media, presenting striking images of the brutality of the Japanese colonizers, the resolve for independence among the Korean people, and the concept of national self-determination. The March First Movement provided the Chinese people with a vivid example of the transformation of the abstract concept of “universal principles” into the practice of “national self-determination,” and strengthened consciousness of “national independence” among the Chinese people. Over the ensuing two or three decades, the “March First Movement” gradually seeped into the Chinese nationalist movement and discourses on national liberation, playing the role of “the neighbor as mirror,” and continuing to provide both positive inspiration and negative reference points for the Chinese people following the path of national independence. This linkage and interaction between “weak nations” aids in understanding the modern Chinese nationalist movement, as well as the mechanisms for development of the national independence movements among colonized peoples which swept across the globe in the early 20th century.     

Who ate all the pride? Patriotic sentiment and English national football support

ABSTRACT. The growing popularity of English national insignia in international football tournaments has been widely interpreted as evidence of the emergence of a renewed English national consciousness. However, little empirical research has considered how people in England actually understand football support in relation to national identity. Interview data collected around the time of the Euro 2000 and the 2002 World Cup tournaments fail to substantiate the presumption that support for the England football team maps onto claims to patriotic sentiment in any straightforward way. People with far‐right political affiliations did generally use national football support to symbolise a general pride in English national identity. However, other people either claimed not to support the England national team precisely because of its associations with nationalism, or else bracketed the domain of football support from more general connotations of English patriotism.     

Belonging to the nation: Negotiating narratives of national identity in Aotearoa New Zealand

One of the most important yet complex contemporary political projects of belonging relate to rapidly diversifying societies. While prior research has tended to focus on how young people work to fit into the nation, this study sought to examine the processes by which ethnic minority young people (re)produced, reimagined and challenged narratives of national belonging. Underpinned by feminist theoretical understandings of citizenship and everyday nation, the study examined how young people (n = 180) attending four superdiverse high schools in Aotearoa New Zealand deliberated and negotiated the parameters of who belonged to the nation. The use of a qualitative participatory strategy – self-directed peer focus groups – opened up opportunities for young people to debate and contest complex ideas about belonging and national identity. Ethnic minority participants expressed widespread dissatisfaction with traditional narrow, monocultural narratives of national identity and drew on illustrations from their own everyday encounters with diverse others to offer more inclusive alternatives. Many employed affective notions of national belonging that centred on ‘feeling’ like, or choosing to be a ‘Kiwi’, rather than being chosen. Their deliberations and dialogue demonstrated agentic ways in which ethnic minority young people were ‘rewriting’ the narratives of national belonging to ensure that they and their peers were located as legitimate citizens of the nation, and in doing so, revealed the formation of their citizenship subjectivities.     

清末国民意识与文化启蒙

时至清末,中国思想文化界开始高扬中国传统社会所未见的国民意识。这是中国知识分子对中国未来前程进行探索后而得出的一个思考的结果,并为此展开了塑造国民意识的文化实践活动。     

Welshness in ‘British Wales’: negotiating national identity at the margins

Popular interpretations of national identity often focus on the unifying qualities of nationhood. However, societies frequently draw hierarchical distinctions between the people and places who are ‘most national’, and those who are ‘least national’. Little attention is paid to these marginal places within the nation and the experiences of their inhabitants. This article helps to address this by analysing the ‘less Welsh’ British Wales region of Wales, a country that has traditionally possessed a hierarchical, regionally constituted nationhood. The article studies the British Wales region both ‘from above’ – considering how some areas develop as ‘less national’ – and ‘from below’, introducing empirical ethnographic work into ‘everyday Welshness’ in this area. Whilst previous work on hierarchical nationhood focuses on how hierarchies are institutionalized by the state, this article demonstrates how people at the margins of the nation actively negotiate their place in the nation. Whilst people in this area expressed a strong Welshness, they also struggled to place themselves in the nation because they had internalized their lowly place within the national hierarchy. The article demonstrates the importance of place and social class for national identity construction and draws attention to the role of power in the discursive construction of hierarchical nationhood.     

NATIONAL PARKS AND INUIT RIGHTS IN NORTHERN LABRADOR

The creation of national parks in the Canadian Arctic and subarctic is a relatively new development that has had profound effects on the land and people in the region. The aim of this paper is to examine the implications of a proposed national park in northern Labrador for the people, principally Inuit, who live in the area. This also requires a critical review of certain policies and assumptions of Parks Canada with respect to the establishment of northern parks.     

民本思想与历史盛衰的总结

在中国历史上,关注社稷的盛衰、追求民族的兴盛,是民族精神的体现,成为民族史学优良传统.以人为本的思想是历史经验的总结,又是振兴民族的历史发展的要求.中国史学家通过对严酷的历史兴亡事实的总结,形成民本思想.民本思想关系到一个重大史学理论问题,涉及对历史发展过程和历史发展动力的认识.     

中国共产党的国家建设目标历史演进分析

90年来,中国共产党围绕争取民族独立、人民解放和实现国家繁荣富强、人民共同富裕这两大历史任务,提出了多个既相联系又有区别的国家建设目标。新民主主义革命时期,面临半殖民地半封建的国情,中国共产党提出要建设一个独立、自由、民主、统一、富强的新中国;获得全国执政地位后,在社会主义革命和建设时期,中国共产党提出要建设社会主义现代化强国的国家建设目标;改革开放历史新时期,立足于总结社会主义建设的经验教训,中国共产党又提出了走中国式现代化道路,建设富强、民主、文明、和谐的社会主义国家的新目标。