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Ongoing colonial violence, I argue in this paper, operates through geographies of Indigenous homes, families, and bodies that are too often overlooked in standard geographical accounts of colonialism. Contiguous with residential school violence and other micro-scale efforts to eliminate Indigenous peoples, colonial power continues to assert itself profoundly through intervention into and disruption of intimate, ‘tender’ (Stoler, 2006), embodied, ‘visceral’ (Hayes-Conroy & Hayes-Conroy 2008; Hayes-Conroy and Hayes-Conroy 2010), and biopolitical (Morgensen, 2011a) geographies of Indigenous women and children. Drawing on feminist and decolonizing theories, along with the concept of ‘slow violence’ (Nixon, 2011), I offer in this paper a grounded account of spatial forms of governmentality in ongoing colonial relations in British Columbia, Canada. I critique dominant geographic inquires into colonialism as being primarily about land, natural resources, and territory. These inquiries, I suggest, risk perpetuating colonial violence in their erasure of Indigenous women and children's ontologies, positing this violence as something ‘out there’ as opposed to an ever-present presence that all settler colonists are implicated in.  相似文献   

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This paper explores the ways in which notions of nationality, whiteness and gender are drawn upon by British expatriate women in the construction and performance of their identities in post-colonial Hong Kong. A British colony since the mid-nineteenth century, Hong Kong was returned to China in the 1997 handover to become a ‘Special Administrative Region’. Now, as the administrative workings of empire are receding, so too are the expectations about race and nationality which went with them. For the white British, the opportunities to reconfigure discourses and subjectivities of whiteness are there, although the findings of this research reveals the unevenness of take-up. The paper draws on a broad feminist post-structuralist approach to reveal the ways in which four different British women migrants position themselves in the changing landscape. The approach shows important patterns of difference and diversity between the women in the performances of gendered Britishness and whiteness, and in the extent to which these are used to redefine or challenge the memory of relations established through imperialism.  相似文献   

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在中国近代翻译史上,自甲午至抗战前夕,汉译日书数量一直处于各语种译书之领先地位。晚清之际,这一领先地位居于压倒性优势。民国初期,受国家政局的影响,出版业整体衰落,汉译日书事业亦大大退步。五四时期杂志繁荣而图书冷淡。战前十年堪称民国出版业的黄金十年,也是日书汉译的鼎盛时期。近代以来,中国人对翻译日书一直存有某种矛盾心态:一方面认为通过日本学习西方文化,因经过去粗取精的中间环节,可以力省效速;另一方面,又觉得西方文化被日本人咀嚼过后,难免掺和着日本文化的唾沫,难得西方文化的本相和真传。清末之际,尚处蒙昧状态和急于求成的中国人大多怀着前一种心态;五四以后,已被初步启蒙的中国人渐渐倾向后一种心态。在前一种心态下,认为游学之国,西洋不如东洋,译西书不如译东书。在后一种心态下,留学西洋与留学东洋有镀金与镀银之分;转译东书远不如径译西书。  相似文献   

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Abstract

While recent scholarship has emphasized the role of the colonial experience in the development of the idea of Europe and European integration, notions of European solidarity in the age of imperialism have largely been ignored. This paper investigates the specific context in which journalists and politicians voiced such pleas for solidarity, explores the motivations for them, and probes their limits in times of tension. A closer look at the actors involved illustrates the strictures placed on ideas of European solidarity and illuminates the limited potential of projects of integration prior to 1914. However, latter considerations notwithstanding, a discourse on European solidarity in a colonial context did emerge in the decades before the First World War, allowing early proponents of integration to view colonialism as a field for common European action.  相似文献   

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译名之争与早期的《圣经》中译   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
吴义雄 《近代史研究》2000,4(2):205-222
在早期的《圣经》中译史上,“译名之争”是一个影响颇为深远的事件。这个争论的起源可以追溯到清代前期的“礼仪之争”,直到现在也还没有形成统一的意见。这场围绕着God或Theos等基督教核心名词如何中译而产生的争论,在1843—1851年来华基督教新教传教士集体合作修订《圣经》中译本期间达到高潮。在这期间,英国传教士与美国传教士各自坚持己见,展开长期的论战。“译名之争”导致了早期新教传教士合作译经事业的结束,但也促使多种《圣经》中译本相继问世。它不仅在中国近代基督教传播史上留下深刻的印记,而且波及近代中西化交流的其他方面。  相似文献   

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中国对印尼外交政策中对华人问题的考虑(1965-1997年)   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
1965年至1997年是苏哈托真正控制印尼的32年,其间中国与印尼外交关系起起落落.双边关系的冷热都折射出各自内部政治经济形势的变化.从中国对印尼外交政策来说,对印尼华人问题的考虑可分为三个阶段,包括改革开放前的冒进与偏激(1965-1979年);推动复交前的平和与务实(1980-1990年)以及复交后的淡化与消退(1990-1997年).对印尼华人问题的考虑在中国外交政策中经过阶段性的改变和调整,直至脱钩,既是为赢得印尼的信任,也符合中国的国家利益.  相似文献   

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