State Political Culture and Welfare Reform

I investigate the link between the general features of state governments and their ability to reform welfare. The best indicator of governments' characteristics is Elazar's political cultures. I define what successful welfare reform means, drawing on implementation research and experience. My criteria stress process, the avoidance of political and administrative problems. I then test the link between the Elazar cultures and successful reform using recent case studies of state implementation of Temporary Assistance for Needy Families. Elazar's "moralistic" states perform best, and the association holds, even controlling for other influences. Results depend, however, on how welfare reform is defined.     

日本政治资金及其管理法制改革

日本自民党是一个特殊的复合政治结构,其对政治资金的需求不仅数量巨大,而且划分为党的正式组织、派阀和党属议员三个方面。在资本主义竞争型代议制民主政治体制下,政治资金的来源有国家供给和政党或政治家自行筹措两种基本模式,但两种模式都无法保证所谓的“公正”。在1994年《政党助成法》通过之前,日本政治资金筹措制度不仅不能保证资本主义民主政治的“公正”,还引发出政治体制的生存、执政党的组织整合以及统治效能方面的问题。日本统治集团对政治资金管理法制进行改革主要是为了维护保守政治统治,提高其效能。     

政治体制改革的动力机制探析

政治体制改革的核心问题依然是解决动力问题,动力机制是政治体制改革的生命之所在。经济体制改革的深入推进及经济的高速发展是政治体制改革的物质推动力;公民社会的发育是政治体制改革的本源推动力;借鉴人类政治文明是政治体制改革的外在推动力;基层民主实践是政治体制改革的直接推动力;迅速普及的互联网是政治体制改革的技术推动力;政治体制改革的制度化是政治体制改革的长效推动力。     

戊戌前後諸政事(上)

本文根據"張之洞檔案"中的若干機密文件,揭開戊戌前後諸政事的內幕:劉坤一查辦張之洞被彈劾案,容閎、李提摩太、劉鶚在戊戌前後的表現,張之洞與李鴻藻的關係,岳州自開通商口岸,張之洞與日本政界聯手驅逐康有爲出日本,獎勵廣東紳士"報效"逃亡西安的清廷以及廢黜"大阿哥"溥儁等事件。這些雖非重大的政事,但對戊戌前後的清朝政治起到了相當重要或非常微妙的作用。本文分上下篇刊出。     

明治前期日本思想界的政治改革论争

日本明治前期,围绕建立新的政治体制问题,思想界展开了政治改革论争。论争焦点主要集中在政治改革步骤和政治改革方向两方面。一些当政者和大多数思想家主张以稳健的方式逐步推进政治体制改革,少数思想家则主张实行较为激进的改革。最终渐进改革思想占据了上风。对于政治改革方向,既有主张更加民主化的政治改革,也有主张既不能摹仿欧美民主政治体制,也不能回到传统的专制体制,而只能建立符合日本国情的君主立宪体制,还有主张回到皇权至上的传统专制政治体制。     

The Political Economy of Environmental Policy Reform in Latin America

Many parts of the world are threatened with environmental damage and degradation, affecting both the natural resources and the economy of the area. This article analyses the factors affecting the likelihood of different environmental policy reforms in Latin America, with particular emphasis on: the strengths and weaknesses of different groups which promote such reforms; the degree to which the reforms are compatible with the region's current economic policies; and how the type of political regime affects these issues. It reaches the conclusion that, although there has been progress in recent years, the possibility of carrying out far-reaching reforms which could substantially reduce pollution and resource depletion has been limited by: 1) the difficulties involved in linking environmental issues with concerns for social justice; 2) economic policies which promote the exploitation of natural resources and labour and weaken the public sector; and 3) the great influence over regional governments of groups with vested interests in continuing environmentally destructive activities.     

浅谈第二轮县志如何记述政治体制改革

文章认为政治体制改革是各项改革的重要组成部分,第二轮县志应重视政治体制改革的记述,突出时代特色。应重点记述四个方面：一要记述社会主义民主政治建设,包括重新恢复和不断完善县、镇人民代表大会制度,在县一级建立与完善共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度,以及推动农村基层民主政治建设等内容;二要记述检察体制、审判制度、律师制度等司法制度改革的内容;三要记述两次较大规模的党政机构改革;四要记述以推行国家公务员制度为主线的干部人事制度改革。     

晚清局所与清末政体变革

晚清局所适内忧外患之变局而出现,为平定战乱与善后、筹措赔款的应急措施。成同以后局所膨胀与捐纳、保举泛滥及行政新事务的扩展相交织,形成了由督抚掌控的非正式行政机构,造成了官与差、名义与实权相分离的局面,加剧了吏治腐败与财政困窘。清廷三令五申裁撤而未能显效,客观上削弱了其分权制衡的掌控力。局所泛滥的乱象背后,既隐伏着各级政府对社会变动下既有政体结构与职能如何调整的角力,同时也掩盖了局所在接引新知与发展新兴事业方面曾起过的重要推动作用。丙午官制改革与清理财政,以司道改制的方式归并局所功能,使之纳入职官体制,直省行政由此根本改变。     

Electioneering,the Third Reform Act,and Political Change in the 1880s*

This article investigates the impact of the 1883–5 electoral reforms on the political culture of elections and electioneering in the constituencies, using the borough of Ipswich as its focus. It argues that historians have underestimated the extent to which the Franchise and Redistribution Acts of 1884–5 transformed political cultures outside the countryside and large cities, and that the Corrupt Practices Act of 1883 had a major impact on the modernisation of party organisation. Principally, however, it challenges the prevailing historical consensus that the basis of post‐reform constituency politics remained, to a large extent, local in nature, by suggesting that electioneering cultures were placed under considerable ‘nationalising’ influences from the early 1880s on. Rather than resisting these influences, the established Ipswich parties largely embraced them. Moreover, a general decline in corruption, and a general increase in the number of speeches reported in local newspapers from ‘carpetbagger’ candidates and national leaders, created a climate in which it was now more difficult for any constituency, however idiosyncratic, to insulate itself from ‘national’ politics.     

A Political Explanation of Policy Selection: The Case of Urban School Reform

Amid the torrent of reform activity in urban school systems, some proposals fare better than others. The traditional technocratic presumption is that reforms are chosen for their educational merit. I suggest that, to the contrary, institutional incentives encourage urban policymakers to emphasize symbolic appeal. Data from a 1995 study of 57 urban districts are used to compare the fate of two school reforms. The more symbolically attractive reform was supported, proposed, and enacted much more widely, although neither research nor observer responses suggested its superiority.     

政治体制改革立篇记述刍议

第二轮志书要记述好政治体制改革,就要正确认识政治体制改革的成就和历史作用,改变政治体制改革在第二轮志书中的弱势地位。政治体制改革的记述在第二轮志书中存在五个方面的问题：一是缺失明显,二是设目不当,三是内容不全,四是记述肤浅,五是内容空洞特色不显。政治体制改革应从如下五个方面设篇章进行记述：一是改进和完善党的领导体制;二是国家基本政治制度的改革和完善;三是行政管理体制改革;四是干部人事制度改革;五是民主法制建设。     

An Experiment in Political Communication: The British Columbia Citizens' Assembly on Electoral Reform

The British Columbian Citizens' Assembly on Electoral Reform comprised a representative group of 160 randomly selected voters who were empowered to review the Province's electoral system and to decide if change was needed. It first met in January 2004 and issued its final report in December of that year. The Assembly has since been hailed as a democratic invention and attracted worldwide interest as a remarkable experiment in deliberative democracy. Its Terms of Reference required that it consult British Columbians. It did so via a series of public hearings held across the Province, and by establishing a website to publicise its purpose and to obtain public input. Hence, the Citizens' Assembly provides a case study or natural experiment that permits the comparative assessment of two very different forms of political communication – one traditional and the other a form of ‘e-consultation’, relying on newer information and communications technology. Based on published sources, as well as interviews with former members of the Assembly, this paper investigates the public input the Assembly obtained, and considers whether ‘e-consultation’– as is often claimed – does allow citizens to genuinely contribute to the making of public policy.     

俄国1861年改革酝酿时期主要派别的政治主张及其影响

俄国1861年改革酝酿时期,保守派、自由派和激进派在农奴制度的存废、对农民让步的程度和改革的方式等问题上既有共识,又有分歧。自由派和激进派对农奴制度坚决说"不",保守派则经历了由反对到被迫容忍废除农奴制度改革的转变。保守派坚持农民无土地获得自由,自由派则主张农民有土地获得解放,激进派并不满足于此,要求废除包括地主土地所有制在内的任何土地私有制,实现土地公有。保守派与自由派赞成自上而下的改革方式;激进派则认同自下而上的方式。各派别对改革法令的制定产生了不同程度的影响。