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This article deals with the question of the relationship between the Italian Communist Party (PCI), the strategy of ‘riforme di struttura’ and reforms in Italy between the 1960s and 1970s, with particular reference to the construction of a modern welfare system. The goal of a universal social security system was set by the PCI from at least 1956. Later, the dialectic with the centre-left governments induced the Communists to strengthen and articulate their proposals on welfare, linking them to the overall design of an advanced democratization of the state and society. In the 1970s, and in particular during the ‘solidarietà democratica’, various proposals made by the Communist Party and the CGIL (Italian General Confederation of Labour) in previous years finally became law, beginning with the establishment of the National Health Service organized into local health units. The Communist Party insisted on performance quality rather than quantity. However, the welfare state is now suffering difficulties throughout the Western world.  相似文献   

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This special issue grows out of a shared research interest in the state-building process during the formative years of the People's Republic of China (roughly defined,1949-66) and its profound political,social,economic,and cultural consequences.Five articles in this issue demonstrate that the Communist Party ot China made a great effort to mobilize different political constituents,social classes,professional groups,and cultural communities to consolidate its rule and advance its revolutionary agendas.Governing a deeply diverse and discontented society,the Party created a system of control and mobilization based on the combined mechanisms of political indoctrination,bureaucratic intervention,neighborhood surveillance,and social voluntarism.Communist rule in the 1950s and early 1960s created new cultural forms,business practices,and a new framework under which the party-state's political agenda and bureaucratic apparatus interacted with individual lives.  相似文献   

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This article uses memory and specifically my memories to build up a sense of how Australians perceived India in the second half of the 20th century. I focus first on the late 1950s to consider Australian perceptions of India as seen through my eyes as a university student. I then present my observations as a student studying in India in the first half of the 1960s to track the limited awareness of Australia in India. The final section, based mainly on newspaper clippings of the late 1980s, assesses how India featured in Australian perceptions some two decades on and in the very different world of the day – one that was much more knowledgeable but not necessarily significantly more involved.  相似文献   

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Student mental health services were created at many American universities during the interwar years in association with the mental hygiene movement of that era. In Canada, psychologists and psychiatrists became focused on the well-being of schoolchildren during this period, but services for university students were minimal or non-existent at most institutions until well after the Second World War. Influenced by American trends and in tune with rising public concern over the problems students were experiencing on Canada's burgeoning campuses, student organizations, in co-operation with the Canadian Mental Health Association, began a concerted campaign for improved services in the early 1960s. Through conferences, seminars, and surveys, they revealed the extent of student distress, and by 1965 their efforts were attracting increasing media attention and having a direct impact on university student health policies. Their campaign then entered a new phase, transformed by the same radicalization that infused the wider student movement in the wake of the Berkeley free speech protests. Dissatisfied with the institutional response and distrustful of the motives behind the services now provided, activists questioned the very meaning of 'mental health' in the context of their deeper critique of the university and society. By the end of the decade, the student mental health movement had run its course, but it left a lasting legacy in the ongoing reform of university health services and in attitudes towards student mental health.  相似文献   

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健康之旅     
<正>4月的一个星期天,朋友来电话:去长寿村吧!于是从天津出发,探访河北邯郸地区武安市的长寿村。长寿村人人长寿,除了山清水秀等自然条件因素外,更重要的是人的心态  相似文献   

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This article investigates the impact of the 1883–5 electoral reforms on the political culture of elections and electioneering in the constituencies, using the borough of Ipswich as its focus. It argues that historians have underestimated the extent to which the Franchise and Redistribution Acts of 1884–5 transformed political cultures outside the countryside and large cities, and that the Corrupt Practices Act of 1883 had a major impact on the modernisation of party organisation. Principally, however, it challenges the prevailing historical consensus that the basis of post‐reform constituency politics remained, to a large extent, local in nature, by suggesting that electioneering cultures were placed under considerable ‘nationalising’ influences from the early 1880s on. Rather than resisting these influences, the established Ipswich parties largely embraced them. Moreover, a general decline in corruption, and a general increase in the number of speeches reported in local newspapers from ‘carpetbagger’ candidates and national leaders, created a climate in which it was now more difficult for any constituency, however idiosyncratic, to insulate itself from ‘national’ politics.  相似文献   

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年、月、日、时,是人类生活、生产,生存最重要的时间概念。五、六千年以前科学推算的历法和钟表还没有产生以前,我国先民依靠对日月星辰运行规律的观测来确定年月日时等时间概念。北斗七星则是一部摆在天空的历书和时钟。凭着对北斗柄指向变化的观测,人们便可以精确得知春夏秋冬四季及其月、日和一日的具体时间。  相似文献   

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本文借用巴赫金的“狂欢化”理论,从边缘性、双声性、消解性三方面对王朔、何顿小说的狂欢化叙事进行分析,从而揭示出二者在叙事狂欢化倾向上的异同。  相似文献   

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By the end of the 1980s, having amply demonstrated that the study of class could no longer be separated from the study of gender, feminist historians were advocating a new gendered history of work. At the beginning of the 1990s, American historian Ava Baron identified four problems that women's labour history had left unresolved: the need to move women's labour history out of its ghetto; an explanation for the mechanisms of sexual difference in labour relations; the theorisation of women's and men's ‘consent’ to oppression; and an understanding of the differences among women. The quest for a gendered labour history required new conceptual tools and new theoretical approaches. This paper tests this agenda against research on work and gender in the last decade of Gender & History. The moves toward the interrelation of public and private, work and family, as well as toward the construction of identities calls into question whether work remains a distinctive historical field.  相似文献   

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