跨文化传播视野下的中国文化振兴

在经济全球化向纵深发展的今天。跨文化传播已成为国际交往的重要内容。目前,西方发达国家在跨文化传播体系中居于支配地位,侵蚀和冲击着发展中国家的传统文化,这对发展中国家的文化振兴提出了严峻考验。实现中国文化的振兴任重道远、时不我待。因此,探索一条跨文化传播背景下的中国文化振兴之路,对于巩固国家文化安全和提升中国的国际形象与话语权。都具有较强的现实意义。     

新媒体语境下新型政党制度话语体系建构探析

建构新型政党制度话语体系是顺应中国特色社会主义新时代发展的实然之为,是提升中国国际话语权的应然之举。互联网新媒体的迅猛发展使建构新型政党制度话语体系面临新挑战新契机新场域。新媒体语境下建构新型政党制度话语体系,可从话语主体、话语客体、话语载体等层面展开。在话语主体层面,须深入推进党的建设新的伟大工程,加强民主党派自身建设,提升统战干部能力素养;在话语客体层面,应坚持马克思主义指导地位,以国家话语体系建设为依托,以新型政党制度理论研究为基础,以中华优秀传统文化为底蕴,以世界认同为目标;在话语载体层面,要扎实推进网络强国战略,大力发展网络核心技术,坚定捍卫网络空间主权。     

新时代党的意识形态话语权研究综述——基于citespace知识图谱的可视化分析

党的意识形态话语权近年来成为学界关注的热点问题。通过对CNKI数据库收录文献的可视化分析,以791篇党的意识形态话语权相关论文为研究对象,并通过信息可视化软件CiteSpace绘制出关键词知识图谱,得出党的意识形态话语权的研究热点、演进过程和前沿趋势。学界从主流意识形态话语、中国共产党、意识形态、社会主义核心价值观、新时代、民族文化、新媒体、网络意识形态等维度对党的意识形态话语权进行积极探索,取得了丰硕成果。基于党的意识形态话语权的知识图谱和聚类分析,对党的意识形态话语权研究作出展望:马克思主义意识形态话语权是一以贯之的研究主题;创新中国特色的党的意识形态话语体系是研究中心;高校党的意识形态话语权培育是研究重点;大数据时代党的意识形态话语权将成为研究趋势。     

中国早期冶金的本土化与区域互动

中国早期冶金术是中国和欧亚草原考古研究中备受关注的课题。本文在简要梳理近期考古学和冶金考古研究成果的基础上,提出并探讨冶金术在中国早期发展中的本土化和区域技术交流等问题。本文指出,在认识到远距离交流和外来技术影响的同时,应该重视研究冶金生产的本土化过程,尤其是当地社群作为冶金生产和技术传播的主体所发挥的重要作用。西北地区本土化冶金生产实践及其对技术体系的改造,为早期冶金术的继续发展和东向传播奠定了基础。而在中原地区同样可见本土化的进程,冶金技术知识融入已有的社会、经济和文化传统,生产体系被再次重塑,形成了中国青铜时代独特的冶金传统。     

异域表达与胡适的民族文化观——以胡适英文著述为中心的探讨

胡适娴熟的英文表达能力使他易于在现代中西文化交流史上扮演跨文化交流中的双重角色:在国内,用国语向中国人宣讲、介绍西方文化;在国外,用英文向西方人宣讲、介绍中国文化。面向西方话语世界,胡适一直是用和缓、冷静的语态,撰述文章介绍中国的历史和传统文化,力图消除西方世界对中国传统文化的误解。胡适认为中西文化交流与传播自有其规律与原则,在交流过程中胡适对中国文化充满信心,明白提出了"中国的文艺复兴"主张,指出文化交流的最终结果是那个"明白透彻的中国根底"。     

论20世纪初哈尔滨的跨文化教育及其影响

20世纪初,哈尔滨的文化教育以跨文化教育方式转向教育现代化。跨文化教育中外侨所建立的学校功不可没,并呈现出沿袭创办学校国的本国教育教学体系;坚持母语教学,注重语言教育;坚持文化、专业教育的同时,更加注重素质教育;家庭教育成为哈尔滨跨文化教育的重要方式。到1920年,由于时局变化,哈尔滨跨文化教育转向本土化进程,也是西式教育融于中国的一个至关重要的环节。     

以杭州西湖文化景观为例探索利益相关者遗产话语权

联合国教科文组织世界遗产项目在各国的世界遗产申报过程中重视国际专家话语权,而忽视当地居民和游客的话语.在杭州西湖文化景观申遗的过程中,由于中西文化的差异性,国际专家不能全面地理解国内专家在西湖申遗文本中陈述的价值.而游客与当地居民的话语不仅能够理解西湖所体现的中国传统文化价值,也会将其与个人的情感、经历和记忆联系,构建...     

媒介话语、市场话语与文化符号的生产和传播——“中国福娃”的几个关键词

“中国福娃”作为一种文化符号,其表征意义是由政府话语、专家话语和市场话语共同建构的。政府话语生产了它的政治表征意义,即和平、友爱、团结。这是国家形象的传播;专家话语生产了他的文化表征意义,即福娃被认为是中国文化的象征,这加强了对中国传统文化的认同;而市场话语则整合了两种表征。     

全球化语境下的国产电影之道——论新世纪国产电影中的中华文化推广

电影作为一门高雅艺术,肩负着文化传播和交融的任务,汉文化推广通过电影这一媒介传播具有极大的可行性。很多外国朋友都是通过电影这扇窗口来了解、领悟中国。国产电影如何在世界电影的大舞台上流光溢彩,很大程度上会影响世界对于中国,尤其是中国文化的看法。在全球化的语境中,国产电影如何与国际接轨,取得跨文化传播的成功是一个重要而且极具现实意义的课题。     

从英美烟公司广告看近代外国企业的本土化意识

近代驻华英美烟公司的产品广告在网络建设、文化认同以及把握国人心理特征等方面成功地完成了与中国商业文化的融合及其自身广告理念的跨文化转变,它所具有的本土化意识在近代外国在华企业中极具代表性。英美烟公司成功的本土化广告案例表明,本土化经营策略是近代外国在华企业有效利用中国传统社会资源降低社会经营成本的重要因素和必然选择。     

对外文化传播与我国文化软实力的构建

文化的传播能力是衡量国家文化软实力的重要因素。不断提升对外文化传播能力有利于塑造良好的国家形象,营造中国和平发展的国际舆论环境;有利于拓展中华文化的国际影响,保证国家文化安全;有利于推动中国文化参与国际竞争,改变中国文化贸易严重逆差的不利格局。对外文化传播必须坚持正确的导向;加快构建传输快捷、覆盖广泛的传播体系;必须积极开展文化外交和对外文化贸易,增强国家文化影响力和竞争力。     

Psychoanalysis,Fantasy, Postcoloniality: Turkish Nationalism and Historiography in Post-Ottoman Turkey

In this article, I investigate the surge of scholarly interest in Ottoman minorities since 1980s - a surge that acts in defense of a national culture. What distinguishes the nationalist-cum-Ottomanist historiography of the Turkish historians under study here is the heavy emphasis on notions of tolerance and multiculturalism with direct reference to the imperial era of 15th and 17th centuries. This emerging discourse has been striving to rebut the Orientalist stigmas attributed to Turkish-Ottoman culture and civilization—such as barbaric, despotic and authoritarian—and construct its own tolerant and multicultural historical imagery. Drawing upon the urgent lessons of postcolonial experience, theory and history, I analyze the pitfalls of uncritically clinging to such an imaginary. The emergence of this new Turkish-Ottoman imaginary and its discourse of a Turkish nativism and Occidentalism that emphasizes minority rights, tolerance and the harmonious coexistence of a plurality remains an under-explored territory for postcolonial criticism. The analysis of nostalgic Ottoman literature can illuminate how the ‘Occident/Western’ and ‘Oriental/Derivative’ (i.e. the Ottoman and Turkish) formations of the national imaginary are constructed, remembered and contested in the contemporary global order.     

Rethinking the History and Theory of Jus Publicum Universal: The Formation of China as a "Semi-Civilized" Legal Subject

Much of the existing scholarship on the universalization of nineteenth-century international law has framed it in terms of the imperial West's domination of non-Western societies.This article complicates and qualifies this conventional state-centric narrative by investigating the juridical,capitalist production of China as a "semi-civilized" international legal subject.It examines the foundational modem Sino-British/Westem commercial and extraterritorial treaties,as well as the treatises of a new professional class of British international lawyers-James Lorimer (1818-90),John Westlake (1828-1913),William Edward Hall (1835-94),T.E.Holland (1835-1926),Thomas Lawrence (1849-1920),and Lassa Oppenheim (1849-1920).The juridical production of China as a "semi-civilized" legal subject throws into relief the dual capitalist nature and significance of the universalization of nineteenth-century international law.On the one hand,this "civilized" legal discourse underwrote a novel liberal conception of a universal international law (jus publicum universal) within which China was formally included as a quasi-legal subject.On the other hand,it also underwrote a particularistic,Euro-centric international law,which excluded China from its global domain and denied it basic sovereign fights.In this way also,"civilized" international law justified both formal equality in Europeannon-European treaty relations,as well as the real substantive inequality of these international exchanges of rights and obligations.Building on the critical theoretical work of Evgeny Pashukanis (1891-1937),this article argues that a non-orthodox Marxist social theory of legal forms is best suited to explain the abstract,liberal universalism of nineteenth-century "civilized" international law and the contradictory forms of legal and jurisprudential discourse it made available and rendered normatively meaningful to international law practitioners.Through this Marxist theory,moreover,I shall relate said contradictory discourse to modern commodity exchange practices.     

Sovereignty for security?: the discourse of sovereignty in Estonia

This investigation of the construction and operationalisation of state sovereignty in Estonia specifies how international integration is constituted in the Estonian sovereignty discourse, particularly how the inside and the outside of the state are demarcated in that discourse. The focus on this post-Soviet European Union applicant state is significant because if we understand sovereignty as a discourse, its political functions are inseparable from the specific context in which the inside and the outside of the state are constructed. Broadening the empirical scope of the constructivist international relations and critical geopolitics research on sovereignty therefore also enables me to substantiate and elaborate arguments made in that research.The Estonian sovereignty discourse hinges on the question as to whether or not international integration strengthens Estonia’s national security against the Russian threat. Different assumptions and positions on that issue make possible a highly selective deployment of pro- and contra-EU arguments that promulgate Estonia as European while minimising the influence of foreign institutions on Estonia’s citizenship and minority rights policies. While eagerly pursuing EU and NATO memberships, Estonia is not passively adopting but selectively appropriating political rhetoric and practices from these organisations. Concerns about the loss of sovereignty in Estonia are not examples of mere ignorance or irrational fear of changes, as is conventionally assumed, but are integral to, and reinforced by, the ways in which international integration is framed in political debates.     

Learning from experience: Cultural policies and cultural democracy in the 20th century 1

Abstract

The discussion of the multicultural society has long been current in Danish social and educational policy, but it is only at the turn of the millennium that the issue has been placed on the agenda in a serious way in relation to the Danish national cultural policy. The transformation from a homogenous identity concept to the acceptance of a diversity of voices and interpretations is occurring only slowly in both the production and dissemination of art and culture. In the cultural policy discourse up through the 1980s there is an acute lack of discussion about the ethnic or multicultural. Far up into the 1990s, the cultural political contributions within the multicultural field are left to the social or humanitarian organs, with integration as the general goal. At the advent of the millennium we can identify greater openness and interest for the multicultural field. In the evaluation of The Ministry of Culture's Development Fund I have analysed the subsidized activities according to the strategies of ethnic revival , interculturalism and hybridisation , and in the article I discuss the problems of formulating criteria for artistic quality in an area new to members of the board. On this background I discuss the relation between multiculturalism and cultural diversity , where I find the concept of cultural diversity to be a better reflection of the new hybrid cultures, which not only transcend boundaries and traditional cultures but dissolve them and create new expressions across genres and cultural forms.     

Bounded political contestation: the domestic translation of international health and housing rights in Australia

Political contestation within liberal democratic states is an important, albeit limited, guide in defining how these states domestically implement their international human rights obligations. While often ritualistically endorsing human rights standards, political actors allow themselves a limited policy space with their domestic political contest circumscribed by more pervasive influences, often at odds with the state's international commitments. This article examines recent health and housing policy initiatives by Australia's two major political parties and assesses them against its international commitments. Applying a social constructivist approach, this article argues that the dominant neoliberal political discourse and the state's institutional structure set contextual boundaries to the parties’ policy contestation and reveal the limited influence of domestic political contestation in determining Australia's rights implementation.     

法律语境中“文物”概念之辨析

“文物”概念关系到《文物保护法》文本内在的逻辑性和适用性,同时还牵涉到其他相关法律、法规和政策文件的操作性。“文物”概念的研究,成为《文物保护法》研究的重要前提和基础。本文重点对日常语境与我国现有法律与政策层面的“文物”概念作了具体分析．同时还从法律文本的角度对“文物”及“文化遗产”概念进行辨析．认为“文物”一词具有深厚的法律渊源,符合我国现有法律规范．被国内外所接受,为相关法律所承认,对该概念进行适度调整和内涵扩充,能够满足目前文物保护与管理的需要,建议继续在我国法律条文中出现,继续发挥作用。同时就《文物保护法》修订中增加文物概念的具体表述提出相关建议。     

The Colonial Roots of Forest Extraction: Rosewood Exploitation in Southern Belize

In 2013 there was a spike in the illegal export of rosewood, a highly‐valued tropical hardwood, from Belize. Hewn by Maya workers at night, logs were sold to Chinese buyers. Although protected by international conservation agreements, container‐loads of rosewood were exported unprocessed, unmarked and untaxed. This article examines the rosewood exports, providing a critical analysis that seeks its underlying causes and lessons for development. Drawing on extensive archival research, interviews with multiple actors, and data on China's rosewood imports, the authors show that the exports reflect a long‐standing pattern: the extraction and export of unprocessed primary commodities from Belize's forests. However, contemporary patterns are not simply repeating colonial history. On the demand side, the recent rosewood boom was triggered by a rapid rise in demand from urban, middle‐class consumers in China, stimulating a new commodity chain. On the supply side, the ‘rosewood crisis’ was facilitated by a peculiar legal‐political conjuncture: it occurred during a period after the Maya communities had won legal rights to their forests through the courts, but before the state had recognized those rights. Thus the incomplete recognition of indigenous land rights collided with long‐standing patterns of forest extractivism and explosive demand in China.     

Women's Rights as Human Rights after the End of History

This article is based on the 2022 Gender & History annual lecture. It reconsiders the recent history of women's rights as human rights. The collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union brought to an end a twentieth-century discourse of women's rights, understood not only as legal norms, but as a political language harnessed to a narrative of women as a collective subject progressing towards emancipation and equality. This was enabled by an international order in which human rights were tied to visions of self-determination, social rights and strong states, creating spaces for new subjects to make their voices heard in international law, albeit in particular and circumscribed ways. After 1989, women were again written into international law primarily as victims of violence, while the emergence of gender as a category of analysis challenged the notion of ‘women’ as a collective subject of rights. The story of women's rights, the article concludes, suggests that recent revisionist histories of human rights as a neoliberal utopia are only one part of a more complex human rights history.     

改革开放以来我们党关于人权思想的探索历程

人权是当今国际社会普遍关注的一个重大问题。自改革开放以来,中国共产党三代中央领导集体根据社会主义发展不同时代的要求,相继提出了一系列关于人权的新观点和新思想,这些宝贵的思想探索对当代中国社会发展着有着极其重要的启示意义。