The construction of a "population problem" in colonial India, 1919-1947

This article examines the construction of a "population problem" among public health officials in India during the inter-war period. British colonial officials came to focus on India's population through their concern with high Indian infant and maternal mortality rates. They raised the problem of population as one way in which to highlight the importance of dealing with public health at an all-India basis, in a context of constitutional devolution of power to Indians where they feared such matters would be relegated to relative local unimportance. While they failed to significantly shape government policy, their arguments in support of India's 'population problem' nevertheless found a receptive audience in the colonial public sphere among Indian intellectuals, economists, eugenicists, women social reformers and birth controllers. The article contributes to the history of population control by situating its pre-history in British colonial public health and development policy and outside the logic of USA's Cold War strategic planning for Asia.     

Germs, hosts, and the origin of Frank Macfarlane Burnet's concept of "self " and "tolerance," 1936-1949

In the early twentieth century, the living organism's ability to distinguish its "self" from foreign entities such as bacteria, viruses, transplanted tissue, or transfused blood was a major problem in medical science. This article discusses how the Australian immunologist Frank Macfarlane Burnet arrived at a satisfactory explanation of this problem through his 1949 theory of "self" and "tolerance." Burnet's theoretical work began from his study of diverse factors affecting the conditions of the host and the germ for the occurrence of infectious diseases. Among them, the host's age came to receive his attention as a crucial factor. This understanding was facilitated by his acceptance of cytoplasm inheritance theories, which emphasized the importance of the embryonic host's changing conditions according to its age. Based on this idea, he claimed in 1949 that the "self" of the organism was defined during its embryogenesis. Peter B. Medawar and his colleagues' demonstration of Burnet's claim became the basis for awarding Burnet and Medawar the Nobel Prize in Physiology and Medicine in 1960. While previous histories have focused on Burnet's "inductive reasoning" or "ecological perspective" to explain his conception of the theory of "self" and "tolerance," this article finds the origin of his ideas within an important line of modern medical research engendered through the development of germ theories--the studies of the host body and its relationship with parasites.     

口述记忆中的春节习俗变迁(1949～1989)

一、导论春节“传统”是什么样子的?从文献到文献的抄录、对内在涵义的穷索将春节变成了专家学者的“内部知识”。研究者们忽视了的问题是,所谓的春节“传统”在普通的民众当中呈现出什么样的实践形态?他们的春节实践都是整齐划一的吗?是什么导致人与人之间在春节实践上的不同?即使是同一人的春节实践是否随着时间而变化?是什么影响了这些变化?他们如何看待这些不同和变化?本文拟使用与文献研究相别的另一种史料——口述史材料,主要以个人及其家庭实践的视角来观察1949～1989年之间的春节习俗变迁。     

从“中间派”到“民主党派”：中国民主同盟在香港（1946—1949）

1946—1949年间,受国民党排斥的民主派被逼暂移香港。中国民主同盟这个曾据有国、共以外的全国第三大党地位的中间力量联盟在成立之始即利用香港,并借助中共,来建立其舆论机关。1947年国民党宣布中国民主同盟为非法团体后,该盟的核心分子在香港已放弃中间派的立场．向左派靠拢。1948年,他们在香港召开三中全会,并积极参与对中间路线的批判。香港特殊的政治生态环境,为这批国民党的异见分子提供了一个重整力量的空间,更有利于中共对他们的统战,并有助于中间派的彻底改变和转向。中国民主同盟及其他旅港小党派的代表终在1949年前后全数北上回国,迎接中共对全国的解放,成为中共领导下的民主党派。如果说,中国民主同盟所经历的是一个“中间派→中间偏左派→左派→中共领导下的民主党派”的发展历程,那么它就是在香港进入了这一发展历程的最后阶段。这个历程可说是中国民主党派主流的发展轨迹。     

台湾法律地位的扭曲——英国有关政策的演变及与美国的分歧（1949-1951）。

日本战败后,台湾回归中国。在相当一段时期内,英美政府对台湾地位的变更并没有提出任何疑问。但是,随着中国共产党取胜的前景越来越明朗,英美对台政策开始发生变化。为了防止中共占领台湾,英美都提出了在对日和约缔结之前,台湾在法律上还是日本领土的说法。中华人民共和国成立后,英美态度一度出现转变,明确承认台湾是中国的一部分,准备接受中共占领台湾的现实可能。朝战爆发后,美国对台政策再次发生转变。英国尽管仍表示要遵守开罗宣言的承诺,将台湾交还中国,但最终不得不把它与朝鲜问题挂钩,而暂时回避了履行开罗宣言的责任。在缔结对日和约的过程中,英国曾坚持应邀请中华人民共和国的代表参加,并在和约中规定日本将台湾交还中国。但在美国的反对下,英国最终退让,英美达成国共双方均不参与和约签署、和约只言日本放弃台湾主权而不明文交给中国的妥协。50年代初英美围绕台湾地位的讨论充分表明,台湾地位问题的提出是冷战背景下人为的产物。     

Labour and the bomb: the first 80 years

The UK government's consideration of whether to replace Trident evokes past controversies about the bomb including occasions when the Labour Party advocated unilateral renunciation of British nuclear weapons. Out of office, fierce debate engulfed the party, fuelled by, and in turn fuelling, intra-party conflict. In power, while Labour governments took different decisions on key defence issues to their Conservative counterparts, they nevertheless ensured that the UK remained a nuclear weapons state. Labour also ensured the habits of secrecy in nuclear decision-making were ingrained, though these were challenged by the current government. This article examines the development of Labour's approach to nuclear weapons since 1945. Particular attention is given to the 1980s as members of the current cabinet will have clear recollections of campaigning on an anti-nuclear policy in the 1980s. The Blair government has embarked on public debate ahead of a formal decision and should the issue of Britain's nuclear status become embroiled in a political battle over the leadership succession, anti-nuclear sentiment may re-emerge. Yet if the past is guide to the future, the history of Labour governments suggests that the real debate will be about what replaces Trident not whether it is replaced.     

1949—1966年陕西省博物馆的变革与发展

1949—1966年是陕西省博物馆的重要建设时期,其由民国时期的省立博物馆变为中华人民共和国西北区示范性博物馆,又随国家行政区划调整回归省级中心馆,期间经历了馆名更改、馆舍修整、藏品扩充以及与其他机构合并等一系列体制性变革,重新树立了博物馆人民观,打破了原有古物陈列观,采用大众化教育的陈列模式。调整后的陕西省博物馆融入社会主义博物馆体系,获得了新发展,成为中华人民共和国初期博物馆建设的一个历史缩影。     

晚清教科之"科学"概念的生成与演化(1901-1905)

19、20世纪之交,"科学"一词在中国初现,虽与教育相关,却不特指分科教育.新政时期,中国朝野皆以日本教育作为汲取"科学"的管道,使得晚清新教育与日本"科学"紧密结合,从而形成教科意义上的"科学"概念.这种"科学"概念的生成体现了朝野各方"以日为师"方向上的同一性,但"科学"意义之上负载了不同的政治理想.清政府整体移植日本官办教育体系,以期巩固"政教合一"的专制政权.在野士人通过教育接引日本的启蒙思想,从中寻求改造社会的思想资源,二者在政治上的对立越演越烈.教科之"科学"的生成是"科学"概念在教育领域泛化的结果,它在学术与政治两方面都动摇了清政府的专制统治.     

The Cyprus question, 1949-1952: British attitude,American reactions and Greek dilemmas

Abstract

The present study is an attempt to construe the position of Britain and the US as well as Greek reactions with regard to the Cyprus question at a stage which preceded its internationalisation and the concurrent deterioration of Anglo-Greek and Greek-Turkish relations. There is a voluminous bibliography on the problem, which has developed into one of the major international entanglements of our time. Most works on the Cyprus question, in the form of either general scholarly works or memoirs, devote very little space to the 1949-1952 period – when they do not overlook it entirely. A notable exception is Angelos Vlachos' Deka hronia Kypriako (Ten Years of Cyprus Question) which mainly examines the attitude of the Greek government and the Greek-Cypriot Ethnarchy towards the question of Enosis. Francois Crouzet's Le Conflict de Chypre, 1946-1959, on the other hand, published in 1973, offers a rather limited insight of the question at its early stage given the absence of relevant primary sources at that time. The present paper, however, is primarily based on British and American diplomatic records. Whereas, though, the relevant British Cabinet and Foreign Office documents are in their vast majority open to research, a great number of US State Department documents on Cyprus remained classified in early 1987, when this research was conducted. To be specific, for 1950, one classified document corresponded to two declassified, while for the following year the ratio increased to three against two, with an even number of classified and declassified papers for 1952. Yet, the author believes that a fairly precise picture of British and American attitudes on the question can be drawn on the basis of the material available. Greek reactions are also examined and interpreted to the extent that British and American diplomatic records as well as Greek secondary sources permit.     

民众记忆与服装衍化--1949～2000年中国城镇民众服装流变

服装是社会变迁的组成部分.中国城镇服装以社会大文化的发展为依托,伴随生活方式、价值观念以及行为规范的变化而变化.改革开放以来,随着国家政治经济文化的健康发展,服装开始脱离社会政治和革命范式,凸现自身发展固有的逻辑.同时,中国人的审美观念不断更新,在整体上趋于西化,服装的自身功能日趋彰显.但回首过去,中国特有的、在短时间内形成民众服装急剧变革、走向革命化的现象,颇耐人寻味.在人类历史上,恐怕还没有一个民族将服装当作革命的对象、形式和重要内容,这一现象与中华民族的历史、文化、精神密切相连,是值得深入研究和长久反思的.     

The National Insurance Acts 1911-1947, the Approved Societies and the Prudential Assurance Company

The role of the British major life assurance companies in administeringthe National Insurance Acts in the guise of approved societieshas long been controversial. The companies have been accusedof profiteering rather than civic duty or social altruism. Thisarticle, using the Prudential Assurance Company as a case study,questions this argument. Life assurance companies such as thePrudential were fundamental to the operational running of nationalhealth insurance in the first half of the twentieth centurydue to their scale, scope and expertise. In addition, they werekeen to extend the scope of national health insurance and campaignedto make the acts more comprehensive. Finally, while the companiescertainly did see benefits in administering the acts, thesewere related more to corporate identity, branding and publicrelations than to direct pecuniary gain. An analysis of theinclusion of the life insurance companies in the administrationof the National Health Insurance Acts is thus as important foran understanding of twentieth-century Britain as it is for thedevelopment of modern social welfare.