时代、文化资本与支配权:对张謇创办南通博物苑的再思考

面对19世纪末中国空前的民族危机和剧遽社会变迁,张謇选择了"实业救国"、"教育救国"的道路。南通博物苑作为张謇教育事业的重要组成部分,是其教育救国思想的具体体现。张謇在南通博物苑创办过程中实现了资本的文化化和文化的资本化双重过程:一方面,将经济资本转化为文化资本;另一方面,又将文化资本转化为其象征资本的一部分,使其获得更大社会权力,从而能够按照自己的政治理想对地方社会进行塑造。张謇对于作为文化资本的南通博物苑的支配主要体现在三个方面:藏品内容及知识系统的构建、博物馆教育作用的树立及对参观者的规范。张謇对文化资本的支配表面上是其个人意志的体现,由其政治理念所驱动;而深究,终不免受时代和机构属性等因素的制约与影响。     

“以理想之政党改造中国”——浅议张君劢的政党观

在1949年之前的二三十年时间里,张君劢经过自己的独立思考形成了具有特色的政党观.他不赞成无条件引入西方模式,先是主张政党专心于国民政治教育,为政党政治创造条件;继而采取政党合作、"举国一致"之立场,旨在避免政党竞争之"流弊",并集中力量共赴国难.同时他在借鉴西方经验的基础上,就如何进行"理想政党"之建设提出了不少建设性意见.     

Balance of Power and Political Equilibrium: A Response

This article analyses the international thought of the US sinologist and political advisor Owen Lattimore (1900–89). A well-known expert on China and the Far East, Lattimore was a ‘public intellectual’ and advisor to Chiang Kai-shek and Franklin D. Roosevelt. In 1950, after Senator Joseph McCarthy accused him of Soviet espionage, Lattimore's reputation was irrevocably damaged and his political thought forgotten. By assessing his visions of global democracy and geopolitics, this article claims Lattimore made insightful contributions to international thought. On the eve of the cold war, Lattimore's ideas of pluralistic democracy and tripolar world order offered an alternative vision of the post-war era, focusing on political participation and diversity. This article focuses on Lattimore's published writings in the 1940s, when, as political advisor and director of the Johns Hopkins’ Page School of International Relations, he sought to shift international attention from Europe to the Far East as the potential birthplace of a new version of post-colonial democracy. A fervent anti-imperialist, Lattimore crafted new political space for global democracy in a post-imperial age. His thoughtful discussion of participation, co-operation, democracy, knowledge, and pluralism make his vision of world order an interesting contribution to international thought in the twentieth century.     

Harold Laski's International Functionalism: A Socialist Challenge to Federalism

Harold Laski argued for international functionalism from his distinctive socialist perspective. He opposed the existing international system based on the principle of state sovereignty. He also criticised the international federalism proposed as an alternative to the existing system. Although Laski began to devise and present his functionalist case in the 1920s, the circumstances of the following decade led him to adopt and adapt some Marxist ideas and to place less emphasis on functionalism. During and after the Second World War he reconsidered the possibilities for international functional organisation. Although fragmented and undeveloped, his functionalist theory was innovative. By the end of the 1940s he had expressed it in a variety of publications as he reflected on the international conditions of that decade. Unlike what is probably the most well-known functionalist case of the early to mid-twentieth century – that of David Mitrany – Laski's argument bears affinities with the later neofunctionalist theorists. Laski's functionalism was underpinned by the critique of sovereignty which made his political philosophy distinctive. Reasons can be detected for the changes in his attitude to and emphasis on functionalism.     

黔中儒商戴子儒

戴子儒先生是贵州民国时期的著名商人,他虽然僻居黔中,但经商的理念、管理的模式都不落后,事业上也取得了很大的成功。本文根据安顺市档案馆所藏的安顺县商会档案,阐述戴子儒的经商理念、经营方式,分析其由学徒成长为企业家的原因及过程。对了解民国贵州商业状况有一定的价值。     

初论段义孚人本主义地理学思想的形成

1976年,人本主义地理学之父段义孚在《美国地理学家协会会刊》发表的论文中首次使用了"人本主义地理学"这一称法。人本主义地理学的出现由20世纪60年代末的人本主义思潮所带动,其通过关注人类自身状况而反映出与地理学学科的其他分支息息相关的各种现象,因而从属于地理学。段义孚将融合了地理学与哲学的、曾被称为"地理知识学"的学科推向一个新的高度。段义孚认为,"对生命意义的探求"是人本主义地理学的实质性核心,也是一直以来推动其进行人本主义地理学研究的动力。正如人本主义研究以人类的经验、意识以及知识为出发点,本文从人本主义视角出发,对段义孚人本主义地理学思想的形成过程进行系统化梳理。通过追溯段义孚人生经历中对其有重大影响的人物和经典著作,指出时代背景与个人经历共同促成段义孚人本主义关怀的形成。     

Judd's China: a missionary congressman and US–China policy

Congressman Walter Henry Judd was an active player in Sino–US relations in the twentieth century. Unique for an American Congressman, he served for 10 years as a medical missionary in China. This article examines his motivation for going to China, his perceptions of Chinese culture, society, and politics, and the impact of Chinese culture on him. It demonstrates that cultural influence is not a one‐way process, but reciprocal. Judd's views of China and his ardent Christian beliefs made him in turn a liberal missionary and a conservative anti‐Communist congressman with a significant role in Sino–US relations. His political behavior was profoundly influenced by both ideology and the attitudes and judgments shaped by his 10 years in China.     

逻辑家的政制建构逻辑——辛亥前后章士钊的政制思想研究

章士钊是近世文章家中的“逻辑派”。因其在西方受过系统的逻辑学训练,衡政论文,悉用逻辑,一些在清末民初思想家、政治家那里司空见惯的政制思想表达,在他那里常常见着基于逻辑的修正。他提出的有关国会“院制”设计、政党与政党内阁建构、“通立法行政之邮”及政治宽容的制度规范等贯穿了西方近代政制思想内在逻辑的主张,以及所界定的诸如“共和”、“内阁”、“政党”及“革命党”等政治概念,对辛亥前后亟于建设现代国家却时常感到无所适从的国人,作了良好的思想启蒙。由于形式逻辑本身的局限,而西方新理论、新方法又接踵而至,加上政治家不按游戏规则出牌,章氏归国后的政治建白,大多不为当道采纳。章氏抱负虽高,最终也只能成为悲剧性的历史人物。     

略论刘墉——兼论清中期的政治人物

刘墉是清代中期一个名的清官,又是一个典型的官僚知识分子。而长期以来,由于资料所限研究阙如。刘墉对乾隆朝字狱政策的推波助澜,以及政治上的无所作为,都主要是时代和历史造成的。     

Abstract Cultural Landscapes

Fred B. Kniffen's career as an educator and scholar spanned more than 60 years (1929-1993). The Department of Geography and Anthropology at Louisiana State University, countless undergraduate and graduate students who had the good fortune to study under his thoughtful guidance, and American academic geography all bear an indelible imprint of Kniffen's eclectic interests, academic leadership, meticulous scholarship and innovative teaching. To generations of students, Kniffen was an exemplary role model and kindly "father figure." His students were encouraged to work in the field. As graduate advisor, he ensured that students were well versed in the history and philosophy of the discipline, as well as possessing a broad understanding of both physical geography and cultural anthropology. As an educator, perhaps his most lasting contribution was the work ethic and genuine love and enthusiasm for geography that he imparted to students.     

Charles the bold and the crusade: politics and propaganda

The pressures on Charles the Bold (duke of Burgundy from 1467 to his death in 1477) to lead, or lend his support to, a crusade were many. His Italian allies and the papacy all pleaded for his help and participation; and these appeals were augmented by the exhortation contained in much of the literature popular at the Burgundian court and by the presence there of refugees from the East.Charles's response was mixed. Political and moral pressures made it impossible for him to ignore the question of the crusade, but, even if his attitude should be characterized as cautious rather than as indifferent, he never did go on crusade. Equally, however, he repeatedly justified his comparative inaction and, at the same time, made propaganda against his enemies by suggesting that their hostility alone prevented him from embarking on an expedition to drive back the infidel.This response, since it was not untypical of the princes of his generation, helps explain the West's failure to unite against the Turks. From the point of view of Burgundian history, Charles's cautious attitude towards the crusade tends to support the revisionists who argue that he was far less ‘rash’ than the traditional historical view allows.     

Charles the bold and the crusade: politics and propaganda

The pressures on Charles the Bold (duke of Burgundy from 1467 to his death in 1477) to lead, or lend his support to, a crusade were many. His Italian allies and the papacy all pleaded for his help and participation; and these appeals were augmented by the exhortation contained in much of the literature popular at the Burgundian court and by the presence there of refugees from the East.Charles's response was mixed. Political and moral pressures made it impossible for him to ignore the question of the crusade, but, even if his attitude should be characterized as cautious rather than as indifferent, he never did go on crusade. Equally, however, he repeatedly justified his comparative inaction and, at the same time, made propaganda against his enemies by suggesting that their hostility alone prevented him from embarking on an expedition to drive back the infidel.This response, since it was not untypical of the princes of his generation, helps explain the West's failure to unite against the Turks. From the point of view of Burgundian history, Charles's cautious attitude towards the crusade tends to support the revisionists who argue that he was far less ‘rash’ than the traditional historical view allows.     

中国历史地貌学开创者张修桂先生学术贡献述评

张修桂先生是中国历史地貌学的开创者和中国历史自然地理学的奠基人之一。他以现代地貌学理论为指导,综合利用多源数据,辅以实地考察,深入解读有关环境变迁的历史文献,为历史地貌学创建了一套独特的研究方法、研究范式与话语体系。他对长江中下游河床地貌演变的研究,自成一体,兼具中国特色,其成果堪称中国历史地貌学的扛鼎之作。有关海河形成、黄河下游变迁、长江中下游湖泊演变及上海成陆的研究在谭其骧先生的基础上,又提出诸多见解。这些研究贯穿古今,促进并深化了我国历史地貌学的发展,是现代地理学与历史地理学的有机结合的典范,也是历史地理学科经世致用的具体体现。他还参与我国现存最早最精美汉代地图的复原和研究,为古地图的拼复提供了关键论证,确保了对该图最大限度的正确复原。他关于古地图的研究和应用亦为地图内史与外史研究奠定了一定基础。     

丁文江政治思想述论

丁文江对政治有着强烈的兴趣。他一生议政、参政可以分为三个阶段：第一阶段是留学时期,这一时期他喜欢阅读《新民丛报》,与康有为、吴稚晖等人有过来往。第二阶段是在五四时期到1926年底,这时期他与梁启超、胡适等人关系密切,在《努力周报》发表了大量文字,出任淞沪商埠督办公署总办,表现了积极参政的倾向。第三阶段是在1930年代,丁文江在《独立评论》上发表了大量时评政论和旅行游记,充分表达了自己的政治思想。丁文江虽有政治热情,且具行政才干,但却缺乏意识形态和政党的背景,这实际限制了他在政治上的作为。     

Lincoln as Commander-in-Chief

Abstract

Abraham Lincoln's presidency was defined and dominated by war, yet Lincoln himself had very little direct experience with warfare; nor had the American presidency been truly tested by war when he took office. Lincoln had to negotiate very difficult political and constitutional terrain as he waged the Civil War: issues of executive authority, constitutional powers and their limitations, and the nature of civil liberties during war constantly bedeviled him. His guiding principle in all these matters, and the greatest lesson we can learn from him today, was his flexibility and his pragmatism.     

Michael Polanyi's Social/Political Order: Design for a Society of Explorers

Abstract

Michael Polanyi's fascinations throughout his lifetime were threefold: (1) science—specifically physical chemistry; (2) philosophy—specifically epistemology and ontology; and (3) political society, understood, in the British tradition, to include economics. In developing his recommendations for political society, Polanyi draws broadly upon insights and even concepts from his experiences and reflections in both science and philosophy. His search for meaning in all of his philosophical works provides for him the definition of what he considers the most important human endeavor and is that which the political order must strive to encourage and protect. In addition, the gratification he found in the collegiality and conviviality of scientific research, conducted most productively in what Polanyi identified as “societies of explorers,” suggested to him the diverse groups—as in science, “polycentrically” ordered—and engaged in all kinds of productive activities that came to represent, for him, the grassroots source of a society's creative vitality. Having come to appreciate the necessity of freedom for scientific discovery, freedom became a paramount value in the model he proposed for political society. But this freedom, he realized, had to operate within the boundaries of legal and moral constraint if it was not to dissolve into the oppressions of anarchy. So we find in Polanyi's model of political society a dynamic very similar to that which he had developed in his epistemology: an indwelling of tradition for the purpose of social stability but also a “breaking-out” of established ways to engage in creative endeavors. Similarly, as Polanyi had recognized higher and lower “orders” of existence in his ontology that were necessary for the “emergence” of more comprehensive and novel entities, “greater than the sum of their parts,” he provided for a similar vertical, or qualitative, “layering” in his social order. These insights, and more, that Polanyi draws from his scientific and philosophical reflections in the process of constructing his model of a political society are what I attempt to develop in this essay.     

林林的生平与创作

林林是我国老一辈著名的外交家、书法家和诗人。青年时代留学东瀛,在日本参加左翼文艺运动,进行诗歌的翻译和创作活动。抗日战争爆发后,积极投入到反法西斯的斗争之中。解放以后林林先生长期从事外交和对外文化交流工作,并潜心研究日本文学,尤其在俳句的翻译和汉俳的创作方面有特殊的贡献,他在20世纪中日文化交流史上的重要地位是无人可取代的。本文主要从诗人、战士、使者、学者几个方面对林林先生的生平和创作活动进行介绍和评价。     

论大革命后期张发奎与中共的离合

张发奎是北伐战争中著名的国民党左派将领,大革命时期,曾经与共产党人有过密切的合作,中共也曾经对他寄望甚殷,对他做了许多争取工作。但由于种种原因,在第一次国共合作破裂的紧要关头,张发奎仍选择了追随右派分共。中共遂放弃“依张”政策,单独发动南昌起义,对此,张提出“井水不犯河水”,分共而不积极反共。不久,张发奎赶走桂系、回到广州,中共提出不要对张再有任何幻想,又在广州发动起义,张大为恼怒,极力镇压。国共分裂之初,中共还不懂得应如何对待国民党地方实力派,张发奎等也还未学会与国共对立后的中共如何打交道。     

Halford Mackinder's “new” political geography and the geographical tradition

This article re-examines Halford Mackinder's conception of geography in general and his practise as a political geographer in particular by placing his work in the context of the history of geography. The nature and politicisation of early modern (c.1600–1850) geography are depicted, and used as a contextual standard against which to assess Mackinder's claims to have propounded a “new” geography and a “new” form of political geography. Mackinder's conception of geography is found to have been a substantial departure from the early modern one, in terms of its definition of geography, its textual format and its placing of geography in a broader educative structure. By contrast, Mackinder's political geography is shown to effect a far less radical break, for whilst Mackinder's rhetoric suggests that geography will drive his political analysis, it is in fact his pre-existent politics as a tariff-reforming conservative which drove his political geography. To the extent that geography acted as a container for politics, Mackinder was still in the tradition of the early modern period, although he did change the form of that argument.     

Sir John Coxe Hippisley: That ‘Busy Man’ in the Cause of Catholic Emancipation

The late 18th and early 19th centuries represent a critical time for the emergence of modernity in western political life. Of particular interest is the confluence at that time of increased religious toleration with political reform. Research for an earlier study, Parliamentary Politics of a County and its Town: General Elections in Suffolk and Ipswich in the Eighteenth Century (Westport, 2002), led to an examination of Sir John Coxe Hippisley, MP (1747–1825). In many ways, his political career is an exemplar of the broader conflicts of contemporary English political life writ small. Set between 1790 and 1818, Hippisley's parliamentary career is fascinating, for while he was an active and precocious supporter of catholic emancipation, he represented Sudbury in Suffolk, a borough with a high proportion of protestant dissenters. His constituents found Hippisley's enthusiasm for catholic emancipation repugnant, but not so much so that they could not be convinced to continue to vote for him if the price was right. Consequently a constant and expensive wooing of his constituents marked his parliamentary career. On a national level, Hippisley's constant and public pursuit of catholic emancipation, coupled with his equally avid quest for preferment, led to a series of quixotic contradictions in his political behaviour. Hippisley and his political adventures thus represent a crucial development stage in the movement for religious freedom in England and the west, as well as providing an illuminating case study on the dynamics of local politics in the time leading up to the first great age of reform.