东深工程向香港供水的再考察

东深工程是为了长远解决香港同胞食用淡水的困难而由周恩来总理批准兴建的主要向香港供水的水利工程。东深工程建成后,一直持续向香港供水,即使在"反英抗暴斗争"爆发后也未停止供水。而且,随着香港对水量的需求不断增加,广东省水电厅等相关部门还积极采取措施提高供水能力,一再增加供水量。这说明,东深工程是一项民生工程,其向香港供水体现了内地与香港水乳交融的关系,说明内地是香港经济腾飞的坚强后盾。同时,东深工程向香港供水为香港在"一国两制"框架下顺利实现回归奠定了基础。     

新中国成立初期内地对港澳市场供应的政策措施

内地对港澳市场的出口供应,是一项涉及面很广的系统工程,并且与中国经济体制及其转型密切相关。新中国成立初期尤其是国民经济恢复时期的经济体制是既有计划又有市场的混合状态;对港澳市场的供应主要是沿用过去的老办法,借重私商的海外业务联系。这一时期内地对港澳市场的供应,形成了计划体制与市场调节并存的经济体制、内地对港的混合型供应体系以及外贸领域公弱私强的格局,既不同于旧中国,也异于后来的计划经济时代。     

1978～1982年中国收回香港的决策背景与历程

"文化大革命"结束后,中国共产党全力纠正"左"倾错误,争取香港为内地的经济发展服务。在完成对港方针拨乱反正的同时,也为后来收回香港决策的制定奠定了基础。面对英国在20世纪70年代末提出解决香港问题的要求,中国主动应对,迅速确立新的方针并制定了相应的政策,为后来的中英谈判以及香港回归打下了基础。     

两难的抉择：晚清中英关于香港在中国沿海贸易中的地位之争

晚清时期,香港沦为英国的殖民地,与中国内地贸易的性质相应发生变化。第二次鸦片战争以后,中英两国协议,按照条约规定,在中国沿海贸易中将香港视为外国口岸。但是由于税收利益冲突,中英双方对于香港在国内转运贸易中的地位问题存在着难以抉择的两难局面,双方都希望香港能够在不同的情况下享有外国口岸和中国口岸的双重待遇,但双方的要求又是完全对立的,由此而引发了复杂的冲突与交涉。最后,1886年中英《香港鸦片贸易协定》正式确认了香港在沿海贸易中的外国口岸地位。这一问题充分体现了英国对华经济侵略的强权性质,反映了清政府主权观念的淡薄和经济发展意识的缺乏,但清政府反对从香港的走私和绕运,也有利于保护国家税收,维持经济秩序。     

震撼湘黔两省的“黔东事变”

1942年(民国三十一年),晃县(今湖南新晃侗族自治县)爆发了一场声势浩大的农民抗暴斗争,这场斗争波及湘属的辰溪、黔阳、洪江、芷江、会同、晃县等县,黔属的玉屏、镇远、岑巩等20余县,抗暴队伍多达数万人。这场抗暴斗争是湘黔边界现代史上影响巨大的事件,史称之为“黔东事变”。     

震撼湘黔的“黔东事变”

1942年(民国三十一年),晃县(今湖南省新晃侗族自治县)爆发了一场声势浩大的农民抗暴斗争,这场斗争波及湘属的辰溪、黔阳、洪江、芷江、会同、晃县等县,黔属的玉屏、镇远、岑巩、三穗等20余县,抗暴队伍多达数万人。这场抗暴斗争是湘黔边界现代史上影响巨大的事件,史称“黔东事变”。     

港澳地区地方志编修及对方志学的研究

编修地方志是中华民族的优良传统,至今已有逾千年的历史。新中国成立以后,国家十分重视地方志的编修工作,自20世纪80年代以来,掀起了两轮全国修志的热潮,取得了令世人瞩目的成绩。香港和澳门回归已十年有余,在全国范围内,只有香港和澳门尚未有新编地方志问世。港澳地区编修地方志,既可以全面展现其在开埠以后的自然与社会、历史与现状,对推动港澳的政治、经济、社会的发展具有极大的借鉴作用,同时又可以借此促进港澳的文化回归,民众通过地方志探索自己的文化根源,了解其与中国内地的紧密联系,加强对国家的认同感,具有深远的意义。     

内地对香港直接投资的动因、特征与效应

正近年来,内地对香港投资的规模迅速扩大,主要动因有:内地综合经济实力持续增强,成为仅次于美国的全球第二大经济体;内地与香港具有紧密的地理、人文与历史联系;内地与香港形成一体化的经贸合作关系;服务香港社会、稳定香港经济;利用香港作为国际金融、贸易和航运中心的优势,服务内地的生产制造业;利用香港"自由港"和低税率的优势,以香港作为中介开展国际化经营。     

“一国两制”的宪法解析

正2016年是《中英联合声明》颁布32周年。这项意义重大的声明收回了中国对香港主权,并宣布"除外交和国防事务属中央人民政府管理外,香港特别行政区享有高度的自治权";"享有行政管理权、立法权、独立的司法权和终审权。现行的法律基本不变。"换言之,中国内地与香港将长期实行"一国两制"。近32年来,《中英联合声明》承诺的"一国两制"得到了有效兑现,香港获得了高度法律自治。     

香港记者眼中的邓颖超

在北京的香港记者群新中国成立以来,香港记者很少到内地采访。至80年代中英两国开始关于香港问题的谈判后,北京便成为香港传媒界的注视焦点。从英国首相撒切尔夫人访华,到最后中英协议签字,其间经过23轮谈判,每次都有大批记者追踪报道。到了后来,这些记者不仅关注中英谈判,还获得了全国人大、政协开会时的采访权,报道范围更为扩大。中国收回香港主权,是举世瞩目的重要事件,更是香港同胞的切身大事。因此各媒体派到北京的都是强兵悍将,有的派出经验老到的资深记者,有的则派出精明伶俐的后起之秀。其中最活跃的有四大名旦,即《快报》记者曾慧…     

Migrating identities: gender,whiteness and Britishness in post-colonial Hong Kong

This paper explores the ways in which notions of nationality, whiteness and gender are drawn upon by British expatriate women in the construction and performance of their identities in post-colonial Hong Kong. A British colony since the mid-nineteenth century, Hong Kong was returned to China in the 1997 handover to become a ‘Special Administrative Region’. Now, as the administrative workings of empire are receding, so too are the expectations about race and nationality which went with them. For the white British, the opportunities to reconfigure discourses and subjectivities of whiteness are there, although the findings of this research reveals the unevenness of take-up. The paper draws on a broad feminist post-structuralist approach to reveal the ways in which four different British women migrants position themselves in the changing landscape. The approach shows important patterns of difference and diversity between the women in the performances of gendered Britishness and whiteness, and in the extent to which these are used to redefine or challenge the memory of relations established through imperialism.     

从《部门报告》看战前港英政府的社会福利事业

1909至1939年港英政府的《部门报告》是一份久为人所忽视的档案。该报告显示香港政府在社会福利事业上曾用力不少。与西方相比,其策划规模与客观成就并不落后。     

The Last Stand of Colonialism? The Unofficial Members of the Executive and Legislative Councils and the Sino-British Negotiations Over Hong Kong, 1982–1984

ABSTRACT

As influential leaders in Hong Kong, the Unofficial Members of the Executive and Legislative Council (UMELCO) were arguably the only group of Hong Kong people permitted to take part in the Sino-British negotiations that defined the future of Hong Kong. But almost no studies have explored the broader significance of their participation in the negotiations. Using recently declassified British documents, this article argues that, in the wider history of decolonisation, UMELCO’s petition for British administration belonged to the less noticed voices that called for alternatives to independence. UMELCO’s participation also reveals how the negotiations challenged Hong Kong’s autonomy. Although governors at times advocated Hong Kong’s interests vis-a-vis London, the governor’s autonomy during the negotiations was restricted, so the appeal of UMELCO was further weakened. Although UMELCO wanted to preserve the existing system, their actions inadvertently boosted the rise of ‘Hong Kong people’ as an idea and encouraged local people to demand more democracy. The structure of ExCo, LegCo and the government was mostly inherited by post-1997 Hong Kong, while some of UMELCO shifted to the Chinese side, suggesting the irony that a supposedly anti-colonial China lived with a state that came largely from colonial rule.     

香港与内地的贸易关系（1869-1904）

两次鸦片战争后,中国对外贸易的空间格局发生了很大变化,全国对外贸易枢纽由广州逐渐北移至上海.在中国沿海唯一能与上海争雄的口岸只有香港,这得益于香港优越的地理位置及宽泛的贸易辐射面.本文力图阐明19世纪后期到20世纪初,国内主要通商口岸与香港之间贸易关系的演进,分析其发展变化的具体表现形式.     

In the Wake of Political Intervention： British Hong Kong and the Lingnan Macroregion

This article attempts a preliminary exploration of the intraregional cohesion and division between British Hong Kong and the Lingnan macroregion. A deliberately overlooked locale in Skinner＇s macroregional model, Hong Kong developed from a periphery zone on the far eastern outskirt of Lingnan in its precolonial days to a thriving metropolis at the end of British rule. The transformation of British Hong Kong attests to the economic fundamentals of intraregional cohesion. More significantly it highlights the decisive power of political intervention, underestimated in Skinner＇s approach, which brought enduring changes to the shape as well as the internal and external relations of the macroregion.     

‘Hong Kong is my Home’: The 1940 Evacuation and Hong Kong-Britons

Who were the Hong Kong British, and where did they live? This question sat at the heart of anguished and angry debates prompted by the colonial government’s edict in June 1940 ordering the evacuation to Australia of all women and children of ‘pure European descent’. In this article, I focus on thematic strands in the debate on Hong Kong British identity, such as race, class, legal domicile, reputation and migration, to explore the complex character of such British communities outside the Dominions. This article aims to characterise what it meant to be British in the wider empire, and deepen our understanding about the place of such communities in the picture of colonial migration.     

晚清时期中外贸易的个案分析——以香港转口贸易为例

晚清时期中国对外贸易的空间格局发生了很大变化,全国对外贸易枢纽由广州逐渐北移至上海。在中国沿海唯一能与上海争雄的口岸只有香港,这得益于香港优越的地理位置及宽泛的贸易辐射面。本文力图在把握19世纪后期到20世纪初期中外贸易历史大环境的基础上,复原两广地区、西南地区、闽浙台地区、上海及长江流域、环渤海地区与香港之间贸易关系的演进,分析其发展变化的具体表现形式。     

香港回归的历史"前奏曲"——1979年3月邓小平与麦理浩的"北京会谈"述略

1979年3月香港总督麦理浩的北京之行,代表英国方面以香港"土地契约"问题为"突破口"逼中国方面对过"九七"的"英国管治"作出让步,第一次将中英两国政府"长期搁置"的香港"九七"前途问题明朗化.而邓小平"叫香港的投资者放心"的正面回应,初步揭示了中国共产党和中国政府关于"九七"以后"香港还可以搞它的资本主义"的战略思考.以此为契机,中国共产党和中国政府开始初步调整当代中国"国家统一"的战略重心,将以"一国两制"的"新思维"解决香港问题的"时间表"提前,探索将"台湾版"的"一国两制"香港化".     

Britain,European Economic Community Enlargement,and ‘Decolonisation’ in Hong Kong, 1967–1973

Politicians and businesspeople in Hong Kong paid close attention to British efforts to join the European Economic Community (EEC). The British colony was exempted from most tariffs in Britain, an arrangement that could not survive EEC enlargement. EEC members were unwilling to extend to Hong Kong, a significant exporter of manufactured goods, the same trade preferences offered to other dependent territories. Instead, the unique provision the EEC made for the colony was limited inclusion into their Generalised System of Preferences scheme, which granted tariff concessions to developing countries. Historians of Hong Kong have shown how the colony experienced British imperial withdrawal in a number of ways, despite remaining under British rule until 1997. This article demonstrates that an important element is missing from this account: how global economic shifts led to an erosion of imperial ties. EEC enlargement from 1973 entailed the end of Hong Kong's privileged access to the British market, but for the colony, the importance of imperial economic links had already faded. At the same time, an assessment of Hong Kong's capacity to pursue favourable terms of trade in global markets independently from Britain offers a more tentative conclusion of the extent of the colony's autonomy.     

Chinese Refugee Children and Empires: The Politics of International Adoptions in Cold War Hong Kong

With the support of new sources from British and Hong Kong archives, this study casts new light on the post-war international adoptions of Chinese refugee children in the British colony of Hong Kong. It argues that while children were ‘saved’ and found families overseas, they were also used as pawns in a bigger political game. A way to delegate welfare for the Hong Kong government, a symbolic humanitarian concession vis-à-vis a strict anti-immigration policy for Britain, and an anti-communist propaganda tool for the United States, these adoptions also convey the competing power and population politics played over subject children by two multiracial empires: one in decline (the rapidly decolonising Britain), the other on the rise (the new cold war superpower).