When the personal becomes political: using legal reform to combat violence against women in Ethiopia

This article focuses on Ethiopia's first civil society organisation, the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association (EWLA), which has been campaigning for legal reform to secure women's rights and address violence against women. Implementing legal changes to benefit women in Ethiopia is impeded by difficulties in using the formal legal system, by poverty and deeply embedded gender inequalities, by plural legal systems, and by entrenched cultural norms. However, the article argues that the most significant challenge is the increasing degree of authoritarianism in Ethiopian state politics, that this is crucial in determining the space for activism, and that this shapes the successful implementation of legal change. The research shows how women's activism around personal rights challenges public/private and personal/political boundaries and can be seen as a political threat by governments in contexts where democracy and rule of the law are not embedded, leading to repression of women's activism and hindering the implementation of measures to protect women's rights when states become more authoritarian. Little is known empirically about the impact of democratisation on the implementation of measures to protect women's rights in Africa. This article shows how the emergence of democracy and legal reform intersects with the emergence of women's rights, especially with respect to gender-based violence. It shows how trying to secure women's personal right to be free from violence through the law is profoundly political and argues that the nature of democratisation really matters in terms of the implementation of measures such as legal changes designed to protect women's rights.     

Localising the Australian National Action Plan on Women,Peace and Security: a matter of justice

In the bid for a non-permanent seat on the United Nations (UN) Security Council, the Australian government emphasised international peace and security and Indigenous peoples as two of the eight key elements supporting its nomination. Australia's positive track record in support of the UN Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, including the delivery of an Australian National Action Plan (NAP) along with recognition of historical injustices to Indigenous Australians, was highlighted as a valid and important argument in favour of its nomination. The Australian NAP, however, has all but ignored the local context in its development and application, focusing instead on its commitments abroad. This framing of the Australian NAP is informed, firstly, by the WPS agenda policy framework applying to conflict and post-conflict situations, and, secondly, by its location within the UN mandate, requiring those situations to be internationally recognised. This article applies Nancy Fraser's tripartite justice framework to reveal that the Australian NAP gives rise to the political injustice of ‘misrepresentation’ in relation to intra-state (violent), domestically situated Indigenous–settler relations, which are denied the status of ongoing internationally recognised conflict. The author suggests that the remedy to this injustice is to reframe and recognise the conflict status of Indigenous–settler relations in the localisation of the Australian NAP. This localisation creates openings for Indigenous Australian women to engage with the WPS agenda in meaningful ways.     

Kaleidoscopes of violence against indigenous women (VAIW) in Colombia: the experiences of Pan-Amazonian women

This article presents the life stories of six indigenous women from the Amazonian region, who coordinate local women processes through indigenous organizations and networks. Since the political and legal visibility of violence against indigenous women in Colombia is weak and limited, we aim to analyze their experiences from an intersectional perspective. For this purpose, we employed multiple methodologies, including body mapping and social cartography. Thus, by reconstructing their experiences and attempts to make visible violence against them, we could perceive some of its multiple modalities, which are quickly captured by the great category.     

国民休闲计划与旅游弹性消费——基于旅游应对危机的政策选择

国际金融危机对我国旅游业的冲击具有自身的阶段特性、传导路径和影响领域,在“突机破危”的特殊环境下,出现了从“大众旅游”向“国民休闲”的转变趋势,而国民休闲计划也随之成为旅游减危排危、扩大旅游弹性消费的有效途径。为此,必须充分认识国民休闲的消费约束,重点撬动四类旅游市场,扩大旅游弹性消费空间,并适时出台一系列有效的杠杆政策,以推动国民休闲计划的顺利实施。     

试论抗战时期国民政府的粮食供应与配给

抗战时期,为了支持抗战,维持军心民心,确保国统区人民生活的基本稳定,国民政府在实施田赋征实的基础上对全国军公民粮实行定量供应和配给。这一战时特殊粮食统制措施的实施,保障了抗战后期军粮民食的供应,稳定了后方社会秩序,成效较为明显,为坚持抗战作出了一定贡献。     

救济与控制：中国通商、四明和中国实业三行的改组

白银风潮前夕,中国通商、四明和中国实业三行因长期经营不善而资金周转不灵.在白银风潮中,三行同时陷入挤兑的困境,而在法币改革后,三行因难以缴足发行准备金而再度陷入困境.在这两个过程中,国民政府以救济之名,实施控制,并最终对其增资改组,将其纳入政府金融体系.