民主党派与抗日战争时期的民主宪政运动

民主党派在抗日战争时期参与的民主宪政运动极大地推进了抗日战争时期中国政治民主化进程,深刻影响了未来中国政治发展的走向。追求民主政治的强烈意愿是民主党派参与民主宪政运动的根本动因;国民党的独裁专制统治是其参与民主宪政运动的直接原因;国内外要求民主的强烈呼声是其参与民主宪政运动的外在动力;共产党的引领和帮助是其参与民主宪政运动的重要条件。民主党派经过民主宪政运动的历练,日渐成为中国政治舞台上一支不容忽视的力量;民主党派经过民主宪政运动的实践,对民主的理解更为深刻,对国民党蒋介石的本质认识得更加清楚;民主宪政运动是共产党与民主党派合作共事的成功实践,为革命胜利后中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度莫定了基础。     

Antonin Scalia and the Dilemma of Constitutional Originalism

Antonin Scalia has had a very significant and healthy impact on the way people talk about American constitutional law. Thanks largely to Justice Scalia’s forceful and eloquent voice, originalism is now so respectable that even those who seek to advance an aggressive and progressive “living constitution” frequently find it prudent to pose as expositors of the Constitution’s original meaning. Scalia’s substantial effect on the terms of debate in constitutional law, however, is not likely to be matched by a comparable influence on the future of the law itself. Apart from political realities that affect appointments to the Court, originalism faces obstacles that have deep historical roots. This essay explores those obstacles before considering two examples that suggest why Scalia’s originalism is unlikely to make a decisive contribution to the reformation in constitutional law that he sought.     

Reconceptualizing Resistance: Residuals of the State and Democratic Radical Pluralism

Abstract: Arguing that resistance to the state is too narrow a conceptualization of a political project that challenges neoliberalism, we posit that there are latent, residual apparatuses of the state which can be activated as part of a systematic progressive politics. We examine Massachusetts’“Dover amendment”, a legal framework which governs group home siting throughout the state. Dover offers a powerful tool with which to resist a neoliberal socio‐spatial agenda, though it has been underutilized toward enabling an alternative landscape. We analyze how and why Dover has often remained latent as a tool for socio‐spatial resistance, and consider a provocative case in Framingham, Massachusetts that suggests how residual state apparatuses may be leveraged in support of an explicitly resistive, progressive agenda.     

The Virtue of Democratic Faith: A Recovery for Difficult Times

Democratic faith may seem like an ill-advised concept when the ills of democratic life are so glaring. This article claims that it is possible, even necessary, to recover and reinvigorate a notion of democratic faith that grapples with the flaws and intractabilities of the democratic condition. Conceived of as a virtue that inhabits uncertainty, I argue that democratic faith is well-tailored for democratic exchanges — particularly those involved in the risky business of building trust among citizens. Democratic faith's temporal orientation in the present girds the activist for the spade-work of democratic life, where future success often seems unlikely. On these terms, democratic faith can be distinguished from democratic hope. Jeffrey Stout's recent work exemplifies both hope and faith as democratic virtues, however Stout neglects the language of faith in favor of hope. I argue that Stout and other activists should consider the ways that democratic faith speaks to the dogged persistence required to face the dispiriting conditions of democratic life.     

The Expansion of Emergency Powers: Social Conflict and the Military in Indonesia

The exercise of emergency powers is always controversial. This article identifies the expansion of the type and scope of emergency powers through legislative reform. It does so by examining the Indonesian Law on Social Conflict 2012, which allows a state of social conflict to be declared at the national, regional or local level in response to social conflict, such as conflict between religious or ethnic communities. The deliberate choice of the term “state of social conflict”, rather than “state of emergency”, is an attempt to obscure the nature of these powers. Analysis of these powers and the debate that has ensued suggests that the law expands the types of situation in which powers usually only reserved for an emergency are used, and by delegating this power to local authorities, the law in effect amounts to the expansion of emergency powers. I suggest that this should lead to renewed focus on meaningful limits and checks on the exercise of power during times of emergency.     

中国特色社会主义民主政治建设的历史脉络和理论升华

中国特色社会主义民主政治建设经历了制度奠基与道路探索、重新开启与理论拓展、稳步推进与理论创新、历史新起点与理论新发展的历史过程。伴随着这一过程,中国社会主义民主政治建设理论也在不断完善和升华。回顾并梳理中国特色社会主义民主政治建设的历史脉络,系统阐释中国民主政治建设理论,总结其经验,对于继续推进中国特色社会主义民主政治建设进程,具有重要的现实意义。     

印尼华人穆斯林社团初探

论文梳理了印尼华人穆斯林社团的发展脉络;阐述了印尼华人穆斯林社团在反对种族歧视活动和社会慈善活动以及中印尼之间的宗教文化交流中的作用。认为印尼华人穆斯林社团在印尼1998年以来的民主改革新形势下有了新的发展。其利用自身的优势,积极开展各种社会慈善活动,反对种族歧视,塑造华人穆斯林特有的文化认同,在中印尼宗教文化交流中发挥了窗口和示范作用,成为沟通华人社会与当地穆斯林社会、构筑多元和谐印尼社会的重要力量。     

Hannah Arendt's Political Theology of Democratic Life

Abstract

In this essay, I explore Hannah Arendt's suggestion that we conceptualize human power and freedom polytheistically if our aim is to understand the challenges and requirements of democratic self-governance. Although it is not clear that politics must always be understood through theological grammars, if it is to be, polytheism affirms that there may be multiple sources of value and of right, offering both a metaphysical counterpart to value pluralism and a vision of how to create political practices and institutions that mirror and honor both the equality and distinction of human beings.     

毛泽东关于西藏民主改革的认识与决策

西藏民主改革是西藏在和平解放的基础上由封建农奴制到人民民主的历史性变革和发展,是西藏完成反帝反封建的民主革命任务的里程碑。这是在以毛泽东为核心的中共中央第一代领导集体根据西藏和平解放后不同阶段的实际,正确认识和处理西藏民主改革的历史必然性与社会基础、时机与条件、策略与步骤以及性质与前途等问题,并依此相应地作出和平协商、"六年不改"、赎买和"稳定发展"等方针政策的指导下开展和实现的。正是在这一历史进程中,西藏由和平解放、筹备成立自治区至民主改革,跨越几个世纪而成为人民民主的西藏。     

社会生态视角下高校民主党派建设问题的研究意义

借助社会生态视角分析高校民主党派建设问题的研究意义,突出体现在四个方面:理性认识高校民主党派建设与发展的不同价值,有助于发挥高校民主党派的积极作用;科学分析高校民主党派建设与发展的理论依据与原则,有助于丰富和拓展统一战线理论与参政党建设理论研究;客观认识高校民主党派建设与发展的问题,有助于加强参政党的自身建设;客观认识高校民主党派建设与发展的问题,有助于提高执政党能力建设。     

印度尼西亚民主化改革以来华人经济的新发展及其启示

后苏哈托时代印度尼西亚新政府逐步放宽了对于华人经济发展的种种限制,华人经济发展的环境进一步改善。传统的华人大型企业集团经历战略重组、结构调整、优化布局后逐渐恢复元气并拓展了业务,新兴华人企业集团开始崭露头角,华人中小企业也逐步发展壮大,尤为重要的是华人开始组建经济类社团组织,借以加强与中国的经济联系,加速扩大华人经济的商业网络。印尼华人经济呈现出新的发展趋势,不仅推动了印尼国民经济的繁荣,同时也为中国"引进来"和"走出去"战略的实施提供了新的机遇。     

‘The Best-Laid Schemes o’ Mice an’ Men’? Proposals,Planning, Defeat,and Legacy,of Devolution in the 1970s*

The question of whether devolved assemblies should be established for Scotland and Wales dominated considerable parliamentary time in the 1970s and became a key pillar of the Labour government's legislative agenda after the two 1974 general elections. The main building blocks of the government's devolution proposals for Scotland and Wales were in place from 1975 with the publication of the white paper, Our Changing Democracy, which outlined proposals for a primary lawmaking assembly for Scotland and a Scottish executive, operating under a ‘conferred powers model of devolution’. For Wales, the assembly was to be a body corporate (with no split between executive and assembly) exercising only executive functions and able only to pass secondary legislation. With some important modifications (including crucially the requirement for a referendum, which was then further amended to require a Yes tally equating to 40% of the electorates in both nations), these proposals were eventually incorporated into law as the Scotland and Wales Acts 1978. While the political debates surrounding devolution in this period are well known, less attention has been paid to the practical plans undertaken by the civil service for devolution to become a reality. Considerable time was spent drawing up, from an early stage, detailed preparations for devolution, particularly in Scotland. In Wales, planning was more tentative, yet, none the less, was taken seriously by the Welsh Office. These plans never materialised in the way envisaged, with neither Welsh nor Scottish devolution able to pass the referendum thresholds put in place. However, as this article also demonstrates, both the Scotland and Wales Acts had a constitutional legacy when devolution became reality under New Labour in the late 1990s.     

Cultural diversity as a multilevel and multifaceted legal notion operating in the law on cultural policies

The objective of the present article is to highlight the obscured links between the multilevel and multifaceted legal concept of cultural diversity and its political uses. It intends to provide a clear appraisal of the concepts of cultural diversity within the legal framework in which cultural policies are immersed. It seeks to focus on the uses of cultural diversity as a legal concept that reflect intense disagreements on cultural policies, that helps legitimatize very different and variable political ideas and that emerges from very different backgrounds. After identifying the exact legal scope of the notion, the article analyses the narratives and discourses that lead to the consolidation and use of cultural diversity as a multilevel legal notion.     

The Legacy of Greece

This article compares two radically opposed views concerning “race” in the first half of the 20th century: the one of Franz Boas (1858–1942), the founder of American cultural anthropology, and the other of Hans F.K. Günther (1889–1968), the most widely read theoretician of race in Nazi Germany. Opposite as their views were, both derived from a similar non-evolutionist German anthropological matrix. The article reconstructs their definitions of racial objects and studies their analyses of racial intermixture. Although both believed that contemporary peoples were racially deeply mixed, Boas moved towards an antiracist conception of race-as-population, whereas Günther moved towards a racist conception of homogenous races in mixed peoples. The comparison shows that the major difference between them concerns their ideals or guiding principles. Their respective ideals seeped into their versions of science and transformed the nature and the significance of their respective ideas.     

从新民主主义国营经济到社会主义国营经济--关于毛泽东新中国国营经济性质思想演变的历史考察

毛泽东的新民主主义理论是在中国共产党只是掌握了中国革命的部分领导权的特殊历史背景下提出的。第二次国共合作破裂后,中国共产党掌握了中国革命的全部领导权。由此,毛泽东的新民主主义理论也就转变成为初级社会主义理论。作为这一理论转型的中心环节之一,毛泽东在延安时期提出的新民主主义国营经济理论,这时也转变为西柏坡时期的社会主义国营经济理论。按照毛泽东的真实想法,我国建国初期将实行的,实际上并不是延安时期所设想的以新民主主义国营经济为主导的新民主主义的经济制度,而是以社会主义国营经济为主导的、五种经济成分并存的初级社会主义的经济制度。但毛泽东出于策略上的考虑,还是称之为“新民主主义经济”。这就是近半个世纪来人们普遍地误认为这种经济制度就是所谓“新民主主义经济制度”的直接原因。     

新时期中国共产党民主集中制建设的理论与实践

改革开放30年来,以邓小平为核心的中共第二代中央领导集体,针对过去相当长一段时间离开民主讲集中的错误,恢复和坚持党的民主集中制,并提出"民主集中制的中心是民主"等重要理论,具有拨乱反正和创新的重大意义;以江泽民为核心的中共第三代中央领导集体,提出在社会主义市场经济新条件下完善和发展党的民主集中制的重要理论,开辟了党的民主集中制建设的新境界;以胡锦涛为总书记的中共中央以健全民主集中制为重点,加强党的制度建设。把民主集中制建设推向一个新的发展阶段。     

Playing with Infrastructure like a Carishina: Feminist Cycling in an Era of Democratic Politics

This article discusses transit infrastructure as a site of radical possibility and limitation in an age of participatory democracy across Latin America. I focus on multiple spaces of participation in Quito, Ecuador to elucidate how citizenship and infrastructure are co‐produced through gendered processes. I first analyse city space of Quito from a gendered and infrastructural lens to consider how urban environments are dictated by violence and insecurity. Then, against this backdrop, I explore the spatial strategies of the feminist bicycle collective, Carishina en Bici, which translates from Quechua to “bad housewives that cycle”. Here, I draw on the concept of “deep play” to reveal how public practices in Quito question the equitable impacts of local democratic experimentation. To examine Carishinas’ spatial practices, I focus on an urban alleycat race, the Carishina Race, to show how strategic practices of solidarity reinsert feminist possibilities in urban space.     

文韬武略安西陲民主改革得人心--从《毛泽东西藏工作文选》看西藏的和平解放与民主改革

细读<毛泽东西藏工作文选>,可以了解20世纪50年代毛泽东在和平解放西藏时采取的许多政策和策略.这既体现了他一贯遵循的实事求是精神,也体现了他把原则性与灵活性高度统一起来的领导艺术,如利用军事实力进行政治斗争、消弭藏汉民族长期存在的矛盾、排斥国外反动势力的干涉并坚持贯彻对西藏民主改革的主张等.