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1.
Mark Griffiths Mikko Joronen 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2019,26(2):153-172
In the West Bank, hundreds of non-Palestinian women who are married to Palestinian men have recently been issued shortened visas with tightened restrictions. This means they are often prevented from working, their mobilities are severely reduced and they are placed in extremely precarious bureaucratic and procedural positions. The research in this article draws from fieldwork interviews with women affected by such restrictions to show how politically induced precarities produce gendered effects towards specific ends of the occupation of Palestine. We thus frame a discussion of the women’s experiences of visa regulations through precarity before giving an account of the profound effects on women’s roles in family and political life. We then broaden the focus to consider Israel’s occupation of Palestine and the demographic implications of the gendered effects of visa precarity. In doing so we make the argument that Israel’s spousal visa regulations contribute to the (re)production of uneven gender relations and the demographic objective of emptying out the West Bank. 相似文献
2.
Hyunok Lee 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2014,21(10):1249-1266
This article attempts to link commercially arranged cross-border marriages to the discussion of the commodification of intimacy and to explore how a transnational phenomenon is contextualized in national politics. The question of commodification – what can or cannot be assigned economic value – has been a contentious area of intersection between economics and ethics, and intimacy has often been at the heart of the recent debate on commodification. Yet, commercially arranged cross-border marriages are perceived differently in Vietnam, a country that sends brides, and in Korea, a country that receives brides. In Vietnam, cross-border marriage has been portrayed negatively and is often associated with trafficking in women. Although a similar discourse exists in Korea, the official discourse on cross-border marriage has focused on supporting multicultural families. The difference in discourse with respect to the same phenomenon suggests that the tension around commodification is not necessarily shaped uniformly across the national border. In this article, I juxtapose the contrasted discourses and policies on commercially arranged cross-border marriages in both countries and discuss the contexts that may have contributed to the difference in discourse. By doing this, I show that the global trend of commodification of intimacy and the cultural meaning of this phenomenon cannot be divorced from national politics. 相似文献
3.
《Australian journal of political science》2012,47(4):579-592
Prime Minister Kevin Rudd's first National Security Statement in 2008 identified climate change as a ‘fundamental’ threat to national security. Two years later, Rudd was deposed with little to show for climate activism beyond the largely symbolic ratification of the Kyoto Protocol. Australians largely accepted Rudd's claim that climate change constituted a threat, yet relatively mainstream climate-policy measures were subjected to significant, and ultimately effective, political opposition. This has important implications for climate politics in Australia. This paper, however, focuses on implications for the securitization framework. Specifically, the author argues that this case raises serious questions about the capacity of the framework to account for the mobilising power of security or the dynamics of its construction. 相似文献
4.
Julia Meszaros 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2018,25(2):268-287
The international introduction industry, more commonly known as the ‘mail order bride’ industry, is often portrayed in American media as a conduit of human trafficking or a ploy by women from ‘third world’ countries to gain access to American citizenship. This study addresses how men participating in the international introduction industry perceived the industry and the agency/sincerity of women who participate in it across three different geographic spaces, namely Ukraine, Colombia and the Philippines, and how these perceptions often adopt racialized discourses that portrays white Ukrainian women as sexy ‘scammers’, while women of color are more likely to be portrayed as victims of poverty and patriarchy. Based on empirical data collected on romance tours within all geographic spaces with male participants, I suggest that men’s racialized assumptions regarding women’s intentions within the industry, as well as what type of agency they possess, are heavily based on tropes of the third world as backwards, traditional, and static. 相似文献
5.
Sandra Eubel 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2010,17(6):743-758
The migration of single women of German descent to Australia in the 1950s and 1960s attracted attention from both sides of the world. A closer look at the historical records reveals contradictory opinions of officials from both countries towards the role and desirability of unmarried women as potential migrants. Widows, divorcees and women with dependants therefore faced difficulties in pursuing their aim of migration to Australia. However, many of them assessed available migration opportunities and proactively called upon innovative channels to continue their endeavours. The public construct of ‘the single woman’ neglected the existence of a broad spectrum of diverse female life models present in the early post-World War II German society and official policies refused to recognize the agency of these women. This article explores the diversity present in the lives of women that were interested in migrating to Australia, discloses the mechanisms behind the images propagated in public and analyzes the consequences of this for the women in question. The analysis will show that the migration agreement was deeply influenced by gendered notions of what constituted desirable and undesirable migration flows. 相似文献
6.
Questions about the definition, meaning and limits of marriage have become a topic of fierce political debate in advanced Western democracies over the past decade as political leaders have sought to grapple with the issue of same-sex marriage. The rhetorical choices of leaders as they have made the case for or against moving away from traditional definitions of marriage have been central to shaping the national debate within different jurisdictions. This article applies the theoretical lens of ‘discursive institutionalism’ (Schmidt) and the analytical purchase of ‘rhetorical political analysis’ (Finlayson) to compare the rhetoric of Prime Minister David Cameron in the UK, Prime Minister Tony Abbott in Australia, and President Obama in the USA. We argue that Cameron and Obama have, in different ways, each sought to discursively re-define the institution of marriage by drawing on elements already endogenous to the institution itself. 相似文献
7.
乔素玲 《华侨华人历史研究》2006,(3):35-41
新中国成立初期,保护华侨侨眷利益的侨务政策与《婚姻法》规定的男女平等和婚姻自由原则发生冲突。为了兼顾华侨与侨眷利益,相关部门谨慎探索可行途径,维护新生政权的稳定。但由于外交途径有限,法律法规不够健全以及国内政治倾向的限制,也出现了顾此失彼等问题。 相似文献
8.
作为社会改造实践中的一项重要内容,非婚关系问题历来是华北根据地各级政权社会治理的重点之所在,但是在社会经济结构尚未完全改变之前,传统的客观存在与主观意识依然是影响乡村民众行为选择的基本逻辑,再加上身体的象征性与资本化,以及婚姻政策执行过程中的一些偏差,使得华北根据地的非婚关系问题一直无法得到彻底解决。其实,从传统、身体、政策三个维度来看,华北根据地的非婚关系问题并不能仅仅以所谓的腐化,抑或落后而加以论之。传统、身体、政策与非婚关系问题的相互纠结、共同作用,折射出妇女解放事业的任重而道远。 相似文献
9.
段晓红 《华侨华人历史研究》2020,(2):24-32
论文以22名嫁韩中国女性为对象,从跨国主义的视角分析她们在韩的婚姻现状、与原生家庭间的跨国联系及这种联系的性质和意义。研究发现,这些女性绝大多数来自中国东北三省和山东沿海地区;中介婚姻占近70%,且与丈夫的年龄差距普遍较大;再婚者占较大比例。其中,60%与韩国丈夫育有子女,已在韩国生活多年,并从事各种非专业化工作。这些女性通过汇款寄物,信息通讯交流,回国探亲,邀请家人来韩等一系列方式维持着跨国家庭纽带。而她们的中国家人也为其提供育儿、家政以及精神抚慰等多方面的支持。通过跨国家庭纽带,汉族女性与原生家庭成员之间实现的是一种灵活变动着的"跨国看护",双方是互惠互利的。 相似文献
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11.
Ernst Spaan Ton Van Naerssen Gerard Kohl 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》2002,93(2):160-172
In multi‐ethnic Malaysia, the Malays are the politically dominant group, although they lag behind the Chinese and Indians in terms of the average income. Their dominant position explains why the question of Malay identity is an issue of national importance. This paper argues that the meaning of being Malay has gradually been changed, stressing Islamic religion more than language and customs. It implies that the Malays are more conscious of being part of the ummah, the worldwide Islamic community, and that Indonesians are increasingly seen as foreign Islamic nationals, just as Bangladeshi and Moro‐Filipinos, and not so much as Malay co‐ethnics. Being part of the ummah, however, does not mean that the national borders are open for co‐believers. In fact, Malaysian public opinion and policies concerning immigration has undergone a shift in emphasis and rhetoric. During the first decades after Independence, the government at the time welcomed Indonesian immigrants, who were considered as strengthening the position of the Malay. This led to a relatively unrestricted policy towards Indonesian immigration. However, due to massive clandestine immigration, intensifying popular dissent towards immigrant labour, the Asian economic crisis of 1997/98, and the less privileged position of the Indonesians in terms of identity identification, public discourse has changed. The Government now stresses nationality or Malaysianess in its migration policy. Fuelled by economic pressures, rising xenophobia and the stigmatisation of immigrants, Malaysia’s policy now emphasises nationality in its official rhetoric, translating it into a greater assertion of the sovereign nation‐state and national borders. 相似文献
12.
Daniel L. Fay 《政策研究杂志》2018,46(2):354-377
Policy diffusion literature generally studies the adoption of similar policies across jurisdictions, but often overlooks how opposing policies or legal constraints may influence the enactment of rigid state constitutional amendments. The current study models the spread of state constitutional amendments designed to prevent future policy change. Using conditional event history analysis on all states from 1999 to 2011 the empirical models analyze the spread of same‐sex marriage prohibitive amendments across the United States. Findings suggest that the nearby adoption of opposing policies encourage state legislatures to introduce prohibitive amendments. The regional diffusion effect suggests that policymakers “protect” their jurisdiction from nearby diffusion forces or seek electoral gains by symbolic protection by committing an already existing policy into the rigid state constitutional framework. Regional policy diffusion may, therefore, be explained by a countermovement mechanism unique to the state constitutional amendment process. This protective strategy among state legislatures and citizens may explain why many policy areas are frequently codified in state constitutions. 相似文献
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14.
《Asian Population Studies》2013,9(2):131-149
ABSTRACTIn the countries of East and Southeast Asia where fertility has reached ultra-low levels, there has been a flurry of developments in pro-natalist policy over the past five years or so, but its impact appears to be limited. This paper addresses the strong obstacles hindering the success of pro-natalist policies in the region, suggests key interventions that are needed, and stresses that the policies in these countries should also be considering other ways of addressing the issues. Social policy has certainly moved ahead in positive ways in South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan, as evidenced by parental leave policy and childcare reform, but workplace cultures have yet to follow suit. The slow changes in gender norms, along with the pressures of educating children and finding housing in the big cities where most people in the region live, are the continuing realities facing couples considering marriage and childbearing. 相似文献
15.
国际移民研究热点与华侨华人研究展望 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
李明欢 《华侨华人历史研究》2012,(1):18-23
论文从政治、经济、文化等层面对当今国际学术界国际移民研究的热点进行了评介,剖析重要概念,展望发展趋势,认为国际移民是全球化的一个系统性因素,唯有将国际移民置于全球化的大系统之内,方能准确认识其社会影响,正确评价其未来走向。同时结合国内华侨华人研究现状,对华侨华人研究总体水平进行了回顾,并就一些迫切需要深入探讨的问题进行了理性思考。 相似文献
16.
Much of the literature on assortative mating has centred on the social contexts of immigrant‐receiving countries in the West. This article examines ethnic assortative mating (endogamy) against rising volumes and intensity of migration within a multi‐ethnic lower middle‐income country. We used full enumeration data from the 2010 Indonesian Population Census to create a national dataset of husband–wife pairs (n = 47.8 million couples), and five subsets of married couples from provinces with the highest proportion of lifetime migrants: Riau, Riau Islands, Jakarta, East Kalimantan, and West Papua (n = 4.05 million). First, we examined the association between migration, group size, and endogamy at the provincial level. We found a negative association between internal migrant stock and endogamy across 33 provinces in Indonesia. Using endogamy as a proxy of the strength of ethnic boundaries, we have shown that accounting for group size at the provincial level changes the overall ranking of endogamy among ethnic groups. Second, drawing on the subsets of couples in the five provinces with the highest proportion of migrants in their population, we used multivariate analysis to examine how migration status correlates with the likelihood of endogamy at the individual level. Controlling for sex, group size, age, education, and religion, we found that the relationship between an individual's migration status and endogamy varies across the five provinces, reflecting the different nature and history of migration, and the ethno‐religious composition in these regions. 相似文献
17.
The metaphor of the market is a poor explanatory tool for the growth in international web-brokered marriages, between (mainly) men from rich countries and women from poor countries. States play an important role in regulating particular forms of migration including creating the ‘need’ for spousal migrants, as well as permitting their entry. The characterisation of the men who seek spouses through international agencies as powerful agents in the world system has to be mediated through understandings of the ways in which gender identities are not simple binaries that the contemporary global order is reproducing on an expanded scale. The characterisation of the women obscures the manner in which they are acting out of their own aspirations; and when a marriage is contracted, the man and woman enter into a personal relationship that cannot be reduced to a commodity exchange. These marriages involve people in negotiations about new forms of personal attachment involving intimacy, spousal roles and family relations. They are constitutive of the social networks of the ‘global ecumene’, a new kind of known world whose borders are constantly expanding. Gender relations are not constituted simply in the realm of the economic. We cannot assume family relations are merely expressions of dominant economic forms. The space of international web-brokered marriages is one in which women can be seen as active subjects in a transnational space that allows them to act outside, to certain degrees, of kinship-based power. 相似文献
18.
A Father's Perspective on Bridewealth in the Making of the Transnational Papua New Guinean Household
Karen M. Sykes 《Oceania; a journal devoted to the study of the native peoples of Australia, New Guinea, and the Islands of the Pacific》2020,90(3):234-252
That people value ‘people’ over ‘things’ is argued often by anthropologists, but how people value specific forms and qualities of relations as they do in the example of bridewealth is less so. I explore the perspective of Papua New Guinean-born fathers in Australia as they advocate innovations in bridewealth traditions and thereby enable daughters to marry for love, cultivate a companionate marriage, and create a Papua New Guinean household. Past generations gauged the worth of traditional bridewealth by the quantity and distribution of items given and the number of exogamous clan connections forged as an index of past and future relations between clans. The current generation judges the value of even alternate forms of bridewealth for making new possibilities for those who share in it. If bridewealth enables the transnational household to emerge as the unit of decision making that replaces the clan, then innovations in bridewealth support, rather than undermine, a new normativity of companionate marriage that empowers that much wider net of kin. Drawing on a theory of value as the importance of social action towards the goal of the new normativity of the transnational household, I show how choosing a spouse is cultivated by women's fathers who refuse bridewealth, as often as it is by their husbands who provide new forms of wealth at marriage. 相似文献
19.
Martin Lundin 《政策研究杂志》2007,35(4):629-652
Interorganizational cooperation is often considered valuable in the public sector. However, in this article it is suggested that the impact of cooperation on public policy implementation is dependent on the type of policy being carried out. It is argued that complex policies are more effectively put into practice if agencies cooperate a lot, whereas less difficult tasks are handled just as well without interorganizational cooperation. Thus, two policies within the Swedish active labor market policy are examined. The empirical test focuses on the cooperation between Public Employment Service offices and municipal labor market administrations. In agreement with the hypothesis, the findings suggest that policy matters. The implementation of one of the policies—the complex policy—is enhanced if cooperation between agencies increase. On the other hand, cooperation does not improve implementation of the less complex task. The study is based on quantitative data. 相似文献
20.
Rattana Jongwilaiwan 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2013,20(3):363-381
International marriage migration is a fraught terrain of gender and power relations. Based on research among Thai women married to Singaporean men, we argue that patriarchal outcomes – a distinctive system of transnational patriarchy – result from a complex interaction of women, men and nation-states. We draw on Deniz Kandiyoti's insights into patriarchal bargains as a productive framework through which to identify key elements in the making of transnational patriarchal relations. This article provides a detailed account of conditions in Thailand, Singapore and the contact zones in which Thai women and Singaporean men negotiate marriage migration. Relating this case to previous research, particularly among Filipina migrant women, demonstrates points of commonality while also highlighting the importance of attending to difference and diversity among transnational contexts. 相似文献