民族主义抑或生存策略:20世纪30年代东南亚华侨的认同——以1930年《南洋杂志》创刊为例的分析

论文以新加坡《南洋杂志》的创刊号为研究对象,通过考察其创刊的缘起与目的、创刊号的内容及创刊号的作者,试图站在华侨的立场上分析华侨民族主义的实质,揭示20世纪30年代东南亚地区华侨如何借用民族主义认同话语来凝聚力量与整合资源,从而达到在地谋求生存和发展的目的.《南洋杂志》的创刊缘起与目的、创刊号的主要内容及创刊号的作者无不透视出南洋华侨借助中华民族的观念跨国建构华侨统一意识的思想.这既体现了东南亚华侨民族主义加强的历程,也在某种意义上凸显了华侨把民族主义认同作为策略,寻求生存和发展之道.     

民国南洋华侨文献出版热及“南洋”观辨析

论文以民国代表性华侨著述的序、跋为切入点,分析阐述了民国南洋华侨文献出版热的背景和民国南洋华侨文献的出版特征,进而对民国公众认知中的"南洋观"进行了辨析。认为经济因素是民国南洋华侨研究热和出版热的内趋动力,经济话语贯穿南洋华侨研究文献始终。在"南洋作为常识"的出版热中,大众"南洋观"逐渐形成并呈现出流变性,即从我族中心主义转为基于经济互惠前提的平等合作、共存共荣的全新视角。目前呈散点分布状态的民国南洋华侨研究专题文献,亟待整合建构,由此发掘在大中国民族主义整一性视域下被遮蔽的辨证的"南洋"认知,有利于从源头破解历史上南洋华人与土著、中国与东南亚在各自的民族主义强势话语影响下形成的刻板成见,深化"一带一路"沿线国家国别史及华侨(华人)史研究。     

声援、动员、维权——从1930年“萧信庵案”看华侨的民族主义诉求

论文概述了萧信庵被辱事件的经过以及印尼侨胞的声援,国内侨界对“萧案”的舆论宣传和推动国民政府外交交涉;分析了“萧案”背后的华侨民族主义诉求。1930年萧信庵被辱事件,因涉及华侨权益和国家尊严而备受关注。在这一事件中,侨界群体以领导者的身份积极推动案件进展,最终使之发展成为一场规模浩大的反帝爱国运动。在此期间,不论是“萧案”的舆论发酵,还是“反荷运动”的发起,或是赴京请愿的义举,都无不透露出华侨群体以民族主义为纽带,凝聚社会各界资源,敦促国民政府践行积极外交政策,从而为印尼华侨争取政治经济利益的目的。华侨群体对“萧案”的积极介入,体现出20世纪30年代华侨民族主义具有反帝爱国和就地图存的双重性质。     

复制抑或再造:《南洋总汇新报》和《中兴日报》论战新探

论文梳理了《南洋总汇新报》和《中兴日报》的创刊背景、双方论战的内容、双方论战的特点,在此基础上,对论战结局提出了一些新的思考和看法。论文认为发生在新加坡的《南洋总汇新报》和《中兴日报》的论战,虽然是《新民丛报》与《民报》论战的延续,但是也因地点、受众人群以及现实情况的改变而具有区域特点。这场论战的结局也不是以往传统观点所认为的革命派取得大胜,实际上没有胜负可言,双方都通过宣传自己的政治主张获得一批支持者,促进了民主思想的传播和华侨的思想解放。同时这场革命派与立宪派的论战既增强了华侨的爱国主义精神,也在华侨政治倾向转变的过程中起到了推波助澜的作用。     

近代海外华侨民族主义的多重面向——以荷属东印度中华商会抵制日货运动为例的分析

论文介绍了近代荷印中华商会概况,并以中华商会为考察对象,梳理分析了抗日战争爆发前后荷印中华商会“抵制日货”运动的变化和发展过程。荷印中华商会于20世纪初期抵制日货的态度时而温和,时而激烈,且不同地区的态度并非完全一致,全面抗战爆发后,则形成抵制日货跨行业、跨区域、跨群体的整体形态。荷印中华商会抵制日货是华侨民族主义精神觉醒使然,受中国和南洋抵制日货运动整体态势的影响,更与荷印政府的政治和经济政策密切相关,同时亦有华侨自身的商业特点,展现了近代华侨民族主义的多重面向。     

新加坡同盟会史略

十九世纪与二十世纪之交,我国深受帝国主义侵略与奴役,清政府的腐败无能,激起广大人民的不满和反抗。资产阶级的民主革命派,冲破保守改良主义的精神枷锁,提出:“驱逐鞑虏,恢复中华,创立合众政府”的口号,博得广大海外侨胞的同情与支持。其先行者孙中山先生于1894年11月在美国檀香山创立兴中会,革命的浪潮波及各侨居国,特别是在华侨最多的南洋产生深刻的影响,而新加坡则成为华侨酝酿革命的策源地之一。     

陈嘉庚的延安之行

抗战爆发后,南洋实业家、华侨领袖陈嘉庚领导的“南洋华侨筹赈祖国难民总会”(南侨总会)募捐巨款支持祖国抗战,据统计,1939年国民政府军费为18亿元,其中华侨汇款则达11亿元,而南洋华侨捐款占华侨捐款总数的70%,这对战时财政经济的支持,起了巨大的作用。陈嘉庚拥护蒋介石,是因他     

台湾出版两种华侨华人问题丛书

近几年来,台湾出版了两种关于华侨华人问题的丛书:《南洋研究史料丛刊》(“中华学术院南洋研究所”编),《海外华人研究丛书》(“中央研究院民族研究所”编) 《南洋研究史料丛刊》共有二十五集,     

庄炎林的传奇人生

<正>庄炎林出身于华侨世家。父亲庄希泉是著名爱国侨领，母亲余佩皋是南洋华侨女子教育的先驱。庄希泉早年追随孙中山，参加同盟会，赴南洋新加坡为上海革命军政府募款，为民主革命贡献力量，曾因参加抗日民主运动入狱。蒋介石叛变革命后，庄希泉夫妇退出了国民党，积极从事抗日工作，支持抗日战争；反对蒋介石的内战政策，支持全国人民的解放事业。     

传统文化维系下的家国认同——以南洋华侨教育为例

近代南洋华侨教育所呈现的家国情怀,既延续了中国传统文化记忆,又在现代社会中有效地唤起了华侨华人新一代的文化传承与认同。南洋华侨教育的灵魂支撑是传统的家国意识,就其创办历程来看,经历了"家"情怀到"国"意识的转化。这里所说的南洋华侨教育主要指南洋华侨在侨居地创办的南洋华侨教育。     

How to gauge banal nationalism and national indifference in the past: proletarian tweets in Belgium's belle époque

Michael Billig's theory of banal nationalism involves the assumption that the absence of an explicit discourse on the nation should be interpreted as the unmindful presence of nationalism and that the mass media faithfully represent or reflect the discourses of ‘ordinary people’. Recent historical research of ‘national indifference’ in imperial Austria has inverted the correlation between the ubiquity of nationalist discourses and their impact in society. This article assesses these conflicting frameworks and refutes AD Smith's critique of everyday nationalism research as necessarily ahistorical and presentist. This case study of the rank‐and‐file of the social‐democratic Belgian Workers' Party at the close of the nineteenth century uses a unique source of working‐class voices: the so‐called ‘propaganda pence’ or ‘proletarian tweets’ from the Flemish‐speaking city of Ghent. Hot, explicit nationalism was absent from these sources, which begs the question: is this proof of banal nationalism or national indifference? A historically contextualized analysis of the absences shows that workers expressed national indifference towards Belgian, but not towards Flemish ethnicity. In Rogers Brubaker's terms: Flemish ethnicity was a relevant social category, but only in a very restricted number of social contexts could it become a basis for ‘groupness’ or political mobilisation in daily life.     

关于太平天国的反满问题

太平天国有着激烈的反满倾向,但迄今专门论及者甚少。本文就太平天国反满的纲领性文件《奉天讨胡,檄布四方》的檄文,攻占南京后对旗人的屠戮以及后期反满政策的转变等三方面对此进行了初步探讨。     

Marketing genocide: Biafran propaganda strategies during the Nigerian civil war, 1967–70

Biafran propaganda played a pivotal role in the political and diplomatic conduct of the Nigerian civil war. Their propaganda campaign portrayed the war as the only possible response to a genocidal campaign against them. Despite the fact that Biafra's message remained largely focused on the genocide theme, Biafran propaganda was remarkably agile in its ability to adapt to the war's changing circumstances. Biafra's propaganda was designed to create a coherent message and intended to elicit sympathy from world public opinion and to instil a survival ethos in its population at home despite very limited communication resources. It is precisely this relationship between the aims of Biafran propaganda and the Biafrans' resourcefulness that allowed that message to be so effective, both during the war and in the collective memory of Igbo political nationalism. This article analyses Biafran print and radio propaganda as well as internal Biafran documents about the production, evaluation and monitoring of the movement's propaganda campaign to show how the secessionist message was constructed, delivered, refined and adapted.     

Between religion and nationalism in the Palestinian diaspora

This article examines Palestinian refugee articulations of the Palestinian homeland and struggle in relation to religion and nationalism. My contention is that the impact of Hamas's electoral victory in Palestine is visible within the discourse of Palestinians in Jordan. This discourse suggests a transformation of the meaning of Palestinian nationalism in which religion is taking an important albeit complex role in nationalism. Using the concept of intertwining, this article considers how Islam has been intertwined with Palestinian nationalism in ways that have privileged particular ideas about the national homeland and fight for liberation. While many suggest that Islamist politics is incompatible with nationalism, this article takes the local discourse of refugees and argues that Hamas and its supporters have yet to abandon the framework of nationalism, although certain tensions exist.     

‘The True Love of the People and the Motherland’: The concept of socialist patriotism,socialist nation and anti-nationalism in Hungary in the 1960s and 1970s

In the late 1950s, the concept of socialist patriotism in Hungary was reformulated as a basic political concept in the ideology and propaganda of state socialism. The definite appropriation of Leninist contraposition of socialist patriotism and bourgeois nationalism became paramount in the second half of the 1950s because of the nationalist sentiments of the 1956 revolution. I trace the history of the concept of socialist patriotism in the 1960s and 1970s in socialist Hungary. During this period, socialist patriotism served as a slightly undetermined, yet didactic counter-concept to set against ‘bourgeois nationalism’ which was characterised as a xenophobic sense of nation. From the late 1960s, the doctrine of socialist patriotism confronted a new ideological enemy: supra-nationalism or cosmopolitanism. In the mid-1970s, a new ideological equilibrium was elaborated in Hungary between socialist patriotism and proletarian internationalism, which served the economic and political integration of the Eastern bloc countries. In this sense, socialist patriotism was meant to express a link with socialist political order, its achievements and its institutions, in contrast to the ethnic character and revanchist tendencies of nationalism.     

Playing for Ireland in foreign fields: the Gaelic Athletic Association and Irish nationalism in America

With a few exceptions, the existing scholarship on the relationship between the Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) and Irish nationalism has largely overlooked the experiences of the Irish diaspora. This article seeks to redress this neglect by exploring the ways in which Irish nationalism has historically been produced, reproduced and contested amongst members of the GAA in the USA. In light of their status as focal points of Irish immigration and as centres of Gaelic games activity in America, the article focuses on the cities of Boston, New York, Chicago and San Francisco. It draws on extensive archival and interview research conducted in each locale since 2000 and reveals that while intensely politicised and ethnic versions of Irish nationalism have historically weaved their way through US branches of the Association, since the mid-1990s there have been a number of socio-economic and political developments both in Ireland and in America that have seen the GAA begin to articulate a more civic, less ethnically bounded version of Irish nationalism.     

‘Faith in nation comes in different guises’1: modernist versions of religious nationalism2

ABSTRACT. Many scholars of nationalism seem to assume that religious nationalism is inherently and necessarily hostile to the secular nation‐state and to modern developments in general. The present paper challenges this conviction by drawing on recent debates among sociologists of religion, and it points to the existence of modernist versions of religious nationalism that acknowledge the legitimacy of the secular nation‐state and are generally sympathetic to modern developments. It examines one of the most prominent manifestations of this variety of nationalism, namely Protestant modernist nationalism. After a brief consideration of cases from nineteenth century Europe, the remainder of the paper focuses on the modernist religious nationalisms arising in post‐Cold War Eastern Europe, with a special focus on Slovenia.     

Historic preservation,the state and nationalism in Britain

The paper discusses the relationship between the state, historic buildings preservation and nationalism in Britain from the nineteenth century to the present. It argues against the idea that, because of comparatively continuous nation and state formation, state preservation in Britain until the mid twentieth was exceptionally weak. By suggesting a broader understanding of ‘the state’, the paper shows the variety of ways in which institutions within the state were, and remain, involved. Through spotlights on major turning points in the administrative framework, it further argues that nationalism has been more often mobilized to foster state preservation than the other way round and suggests to place nationalism alongside other motive forces to understand the rise and transformation of state involvement in preservation.     

Towards an encompassing perspective on nationalisms: the case of Jews in Turkey during the Second World War, 1939–45

ABSTRACT. This article focuses on the plight of the Jews in Turkey during the Second World War, with the intention of analysing specific historical events through the lenses of leading theories of nationalism. First we review recent developments in historiography that contribute the framework for understanding both the hermeneutical possibilities and limitations when addressing historical texts. Then we employ three theories of nationalism – the ethno‐symbolist, instrumentalist and social constructivist – as a means of analysing and interpreting the historical events of the Jewish predicament vis‐à‐vis the Republic of Turkey. We conclude by suggesting what impact our findings may have on the narratives from this time period, and the way in which we can understand narratives today.     

Fighting for Trieste: nationalism and political violence at the edge of the Iron Curtain

Between 1945 and 1954, the Italian and Yugoslav governments staunchly disputed national sovereignty of Trieste and northern Istria. Although scholars have extensively studied the diplomatic dimension of what became known as the ‘Trieste question’, only a few have devoted attention to the Italian government’s aggressive strategy toward the city from 1945 to 1954. This article examines the Italian politics of nationalism in Cold War Trieste by investigating the interactions between the central government, the Allied authorities and the local political forces that either supported or opposed Italian territorial claims toward the city. Based upon the study of Italian as well as Allied governmental records, state-led propaganda and public press, this article suggests that the central government not only tolerated but also encouraged phenomena of local political violence to oppose the Communist threat and defy Allied occupation. This study ultimately proves the residual strength of nationalism as a political ideology and further elucidates the undisclosed relationship between right-wing movements and the central government during the early years of the Cold War.