古典斯巴达政治制度中的民主因素

在古代和现代学者的著述中,斯巴达政体一般被视为寡头政治的代表。本文试图发掘斯巴达政治生活中的民主特征,指出作为城邦的斯巴达,政治生活中具有相当浓厚的民主色彩。虽然从法律上看,长老会和国王拥有相当的权威,可是在实际的政治生活中,他们的地位并不显赫。监察官对国王形成了有效监督,公民大会在选举、宣战、媾和等重要问题上享有决定权。斯巴达人仍能够区别对待自己作为士兵和公民的身份。斯巴达政体200年来的稳定,也反映了公民对自己的地位相对满意。     

论罗马共和国的行政长官制度

罗马的行政长官制度与元老院制度和公民大会制度共同构成罗马共和政体的三大要素。它主要有六个原则:民选制、同僚制、短任期制、任职结束究责制、无薪俸制、禁止兼职和限制连任制。以这些原则为基础的行政长官制度是罗马共和制度的重要载体,它的发展与演变也间接反映出了共和国的兴衰历程。     

古代斯巴达的公民大会

公民大会是古代斯巴达重要的权力机构。在不同的历史时段,公民大会所拥有的权力与地位并不完全一样。大体上,斯巴达国家建立伊始,斯巴达公民大会已经产生。但直到公元前7世纪初,它一直是贵族统治的装饰物。在这之后,公民大会在斯巴达政治生活中发挥了重要作用。它与监察官一道构成古典时期斯巴达立法机制的核心,使得斯巴达政制成为特殊的民主政治。自公元前4世纪初,斯巴达公民大会逐步失去了政治意义,至公元前3世纪,完全退出了斯巴达政治舞台。     

天台山文化研究会在天台成立

1989年5月17日至18日,值日本佛教天台宗第253代座主山田惠谛长老率80名日本僧众来天台佛陇山智者塔院参加“般若心经塔揭幕典礼”之际,浙江省第一个研究天台山文化的群众性学术团体——天台山文化研究会在天台山国清寺宣告成立.首届会员共有38人.大会通过了《天台山文化研究会章程》,选举产生了首届理事会,省、地、县30多位同志参加了成立大会.     

罗马帝国早期元老院成员的选任模式及其影响

在遵循共和传统的基础上,奥古斯都及其继任者确立了遴选元老的基本模式。一方面,他们监督元老的生活和道德,将达不到最低财产资格、道德败坏和犯有重罪的元老逐出元老院,以此提高元老院的权威和声望;另一方面,通过预选和推荐权干预财务官的选举及挑选元老等方式,影响元老的征召,由此改变了元老院成员的社会组成和地域分布,使得意大利尤其是行省新贵逐渐融入罗马的政治上层,扩大了帝国的统治基础。早期帝国元首对元老院的重构,不仅对罗马国家的政治转型产生重要影响,而且对后世的民主政体也有一定的借鉴意义。     

斯巴达的“监察官”

斯巴达监察官的源头可追溯到部落首领。这些特权人物既是国王的助手,又是贵族利益的代表,对国王起到一定的牵制作用。但这时的监察官与古典时期的监察官不具有可比性。它由国王任命,服从于国王,人数大致是三人,以宗教、军事职权为主。真正的监察官产生于第一次美塞尼亚战争之后,公元前700—前670年之间。它由所有斯巴达公民选举产生,主要代表平民的利益,一年一任。其职权由监督权、司法权、立法权、宗教权、军事权组成,但以前三者为主。     

藏历四月十五日龙王潭祭祀活动

相传古老的拉萨位于沃塘湖之上,每年藏历四月十五日便向湖里的龙王供祀一名属虎男童,以保风调雨顺,人和畜旺。郭恰王(王宫在娘热山上)当政时期的有一年,抓来一名在叫来日洛追的修行者处避难的属虎男童顿珠,带到国王面前后便扔进沃塘湖里,顿珠眉清目秀、聪慧过人,他说服了龙王,龙王便把他送到湖边。小顿珠又来到国王面前,使国王和宫中的臣仆感到无比惊讶。小顿珠向郭恰王述说了他的经历并要求和国王的公主成婚,国王觉得此男童非同凡人便欣然应允。从此以后取消了用属虎男童供祀龙王的习俗,只是用施龙朵马、萨举本巴代替。     

英法百年战争

<正>英国《历史揭秘》/2014年9月刊英法百年战争不是一次战争,也不止百年。它是1337年—1453年间,由历代英格兰国王和法国国王进行的王位之战。在14世纪初期,英格兰国王爱德华三世作为法国国王腓力六世的诸侯,依旧拥有法国领地,也就是说爱德华三世需要向腓力六世进贡。可是两个国家的国王本来应该是平等的。这种不对称埋下了积怨的种子。当法国支持苏格兰挑战英     

忠实的西纳(傣族)

古时候有个国王,他拥有三十三个勐的土地,有三十三个漂亮的妻子,有八个能干的西纳。     

文史博览

外国元首与红旗轿车第一位对我国红旗轿车感兴趣的国家元首是摩洛哥国王哈桑二世。1960年哈桑二世访华,这位拥有多部世界名车的国王,看见刚刚诞生不久的红旗车非常喜欢,并正式提出要求赠送他一辆。第一汽车制造厂1961年仅生产的一辆红     

King Stephen,the English church,and a female mystic: Christina of Markyate's Vita as a neglected source for the council of Winchester (August 1139) and its aftermath

One of the central reasons for the disintegration of royal authority (sometimes called ‘the Anarchy’) during the reign of King Stephen of England is generally thought to have been his troubled relationship with the English church. The king was summoned to appear before the legate in England, Henry of Blois, bishop of Winchester (who was also Stephen's brother), at a church council called for Winchester on 29 August 1139, in order to show cause for his conduct in arresting several prominent bishops and in confiscating their property. Several major chroniclers discuss the events leading up to and occurring at the council of Winchester, especially William of Malmesbury in his Historia novella and the anonymous Gesta Stephani. The versions of events contained in these sources are not entirely consistent. The present paper examines yet another recounting of the events of the council, seldom appreciated by historians of twelfth-century England, presented in the Vita of Christina of Markyate (c.1096/98–c.1155/66), composed by an anonymous monk of St Albans between 1140 and 1146. Christina was close to the abbot of St Albans, Geoffrey de Gorham, who was probably the patron of the Vita and who quite likely attended the Winchester council and apparently became involved in its aftermath. These events are recorded in some detail in the Vita, presenting us with a vivid recounting of the council and the immediate consequences thereof. The narrative of the Vita contains a somewhat different picture of the personalities and occurrences surrounding the Winchester council than we encounter in the chronicles. The current essay compares the Vita to the standard accounts. We argue that the Vita may be the earliest and possibly most reliable source for the events of the council. Moreover, if we privilege the report of the Vita, the council becomes an especially significant moment in the breakdown of relations between Stephen and the English church.     

King Stephen,the English church,and a female mystic: Christina of Markyate's Vita as a neglected source for the council of Winchester (August 1139) and its aftermath

One of the central reasons for the disintegration of royal authority (sometimes called ‘the Anarchy’) during the reign of King Stephen of England is generally thought to have been his troubled relationship with the English church. The king was summoned to appear before the legate in England, Henry of Blois, bishop of Winchester (who was also Stephen's brother), at a church council called for Winchester on 29 August 1139, in order to show cause for his conduct in arresting several prominent bishops and in confiscating their property. Several major chroniclers discuss the events leading up to and occurring at the council of Winchester, especially William of Malmesbury in his Historia novella and the anonymous Gesta Stephani. The versions of events contained in these sources are not entirely consistent. The present paper examines yet another recounting of the events of the council, seldom appreciated by historians of twelfth-century England, presented in the Vita of Christina of Markyate (c.1096/98–c.1155/66), composed by an anonymous monk of St Albans between 1140 and 1146. Christina was close to the abbot of St Albans, Geoffrey de Gorham, who was probably the patron of the Vita and who quite likely attended the Winchester council and apparently became involved in its aftermath. These events are recorded in some detail in the Vita, presenting us with a vivid recounting of the council and the immediate consequences thereof. The narrative of the Vita contains a somewhat different picture of the personalities and occurrences surrounding the Winchester council than we encounter in the chronicles. The current essay compares the Vita to the standard accounts. We argue that the Vita may be the earliest and possibly most reliable source for the events of the council. Moreover, if we privilege the report of the Vita, the council becomes an especially significant moment in the breakdown of relations between Stephen and the English church.     

Slum clearance, privatization and residualization: the practices and politics of council housing in mid-twentieth-century England

This article contributes to a growing literature on working-class suburbanization by arguing that both the residualization and privatization of council housing need to be properly historicized. This case study of housing policy in the borough of Brighton demonstrates that council house sales between the 1950s and 1970s were important in the residualization of inter-war estates well before the 'right to buy' legislation of the 1980s. Concerns about excessively affluent tenants can also be traced to the inter-war period, although it was not until the late 1950s that local Conservatives sought to push affluent council tenants into owner occupation via capping incomes and encouraging council house sales. The article shows that slum clearance had long been central to the local council's provision of municipal housing and that apart from two short periods following the First and Second World Wars, council housing was conceived of primarily as a residual tenure by those in control of policy implementation. It further demonstrates that slum clearance between the 1920s and 1960s altered the social constituency for council housing and, combined with selective privatization, specific allocation policies and disinvestment, led to the stigmatization of certain inter-war estates. The article suggests that further case studies are needed in order to test the wider applicability of these arguments during the middle years of the twentieth century.     

Politicisation but not Responsiveness: Preferences and Experiences of New Zealand Councillors

This article reports the responses of New Zealand local government councillors concerning their preferences for, and experiences of, council officer employment; and the values councillors perceive that council officers adopt in their dealings with councillors. This study received responses from slightly fewer than one hundred councillors in New Zealand local government out of 247 and therefore, the results presented here should be viewed as indicative only because of the small sample. Nevertheless the survey found that 54 per cent to 77 per cent would prefer to have influence over council officer employment, with council officers displaying deference to the authority of councillors. Councillors prefer to have frank and fearless advice but they prefer not to be under pressure from council officers to accept that advice. This ensures that they obtain the type of support they need to carry out the tasks and responsibilities that have been conferred on local authorities; and they – the councillors rather than council officers – remain in control of the council affairs.     

战时日本对外决策机制探析

战时日本对外政策制定主要分为两种决策运作模式：临机性合议决策模式和内面性指导决策模式。在前的运作过程中,陆、海军、外务省,都不具有对外政策的最终决定权,他们对外交的影响力,一般被限制在辅弼或辅翼的职责范围内。然而各派的政策主张还是借助御前会议、大本营政府联络会议或四(五)相会议的平台,在反复折冲的和议中,彼此包容地存在下来;在后的运作过程中,天皇通过直接的幕后指示或元老、宫内大臣的襄助,贯彻了自己的政策理念,体现了作为国家最高决策的权威,从而达到了以“亲临”的名义,实现“亲政”最大化的目的。     

Controverted Elections,Electoral Controversy and the Scottish Privy Council, 1689–1708*

Both the privy council and elections in early modern Scotland are understudied. The council itself has largely been described as a tool for crown management of elections. But it was fundamentally a court and standing committee charged with government administration, which was often supplicated to deal with cases of electoral impropriety and controversy. As elections became increasingly contested throughout the later 17th century, so the council's role developed into a form of elections committee which adjudicated over controverted elections. This, in some ways, reflected the business conducted by parliament's own elections committee, although the council was largely concerned with elections in the royal burghs while it also dealt with other electoral issues. This article explores the privy council's engagement in a complex range of electoral business between the Revolution of 1689 and its abolition in 1708.     

Kleinstadt und Bibliothek in der Frühmoderne. Zu Genese und Struktur der Ratsbibliothek der fränkischen Reichsstadt Weißenburg

Small town and library in early modern times: Even small German imperial towns in particular were unable to conduct their daily business without maintaining a library with a wide range of excellent and usefull books suitable for employment by the judiciary, the administration, the health-care services, the church and school system as well as for supporting the interests of the town effectively. It is clear that the municipial council placed high value on the acquisition of the most important works in the field of law, theology and literature treated in school considering the relatively rational manner in which the “Ratsbibliothek” (library of the council) of the imperial town of Weißenburg (Bavaria) took stock of its books in the early modern times (16th to 18th century): this can be seen in the contemporary cataloguing (1600/1745/1829) of the library. Since the library orientated itself pragmatically towards the administrative interests of the town, there was hardly any inclination towards the acquisition of works in the fields of philosophy or poetry. — This study is based on the first edition of the “Beringer-catalogue” included (1600).     

民初省议会贿选与民众澄省远的斗争--以安徽省第三届省议会为例

1921年安徽省第三届省议会选举受金钱势力与地方军阀操纵,各选区违法舞弊层出不穷,40余县发生诉讼,当选议员多系贿买而来。皖人否认选举结果并积极澄清省选,与当选议员进行了一系列斗争,最终本届省选被判决无效并被责令改选。选政的腐败及议会、议员的不良是皖人反对此届省议会的重要原因,也与防止倪系势力复活有关。总的来看,皖人反贿选斗争取得胜利具有一定的历史意义。     

The failure to formulate a national science policy: Israel's Scientific Council, 1948–1959

This article analyzes the failure to formulate a national science policy in Israel's early years by tracing the administrative genealogy of the Scientific Council (1948–59), which was established to manage and coordinate civil applied scientific research in Israel. The failure of the council is analyzed as part of wider debates concerning the future of the academic and scientific research systems and the implementation of Israeli state ideology (mamlakhtiyut) in this period. The story of the council sheds light on important aspects of the formation of Israeli higher education and scientific research institutions and on the close but complex relations between science and politics in the early years of the state.     

‘Staying active’ in confined living conditions: participation assessments of young asylum seekers (aged 12–23) in the Netherlands†

This article contributes to the critical literature on child participation discussing the positionings of young asylum seekers (aged 12–23) residing in a Dutch asylum centre. It queries participation as an institutional measure, outlining the informants’ perspectives on the creation of a youth council within the confines of an asylum centre. Contradictions and tensions in the wider societal context, in the asylum centre, and in the functioning of the youth council are identified. They demonstrate the gulf between theory and practice in the fulfilment of children's participation rights. The authors scrutinize concepts such as ‘methodological immaturity’, ‘voice’, and ‘recognition’ and argue for the integration of the perceptions and practices of young asylum seekers through dialogue. This can assist in creating an atmosphere conducive to an ethically responsible and meaningful collaboration with young asylum seekers and adapted policy interventions to enhance participation against an on-going backdrop of insecurity, exclusion, and forced inactivity.