HIV/AIDS and security

The UN and its associated agencies have been among the most important players in increasing global AIDS awareness. But the intervention of the Security Council has been critical in securitizing HIV/AIDS. Moreover, the claims made by the Security Council have set the agenda for the subsequent debate on HIV/AIDS as a security issue. This article examines these claims—that HIV/AIDS poses a risk to internal stability, national security and peacekeepers, and that conflict is a vector for the spread of the disease. It argues that the evidence is less clear cut, more complex and case sensitive than the original claims suggested. Moreover, the causal links between HIV/AIDS and insecurity appear less robust. It concludes that the case made by the Security Council was somewhat speculative, while the snowballing of subsequent pessimistic thinking led these concerns to a position of orthodoxy that now appears less assured. HIV/AIDS remains a tragedy and a human security issue; whether it is a national security issue is more problematic.     

HIV,AIDS and security: where are we now?

HIV/AIDS is one of the greatest single causes of death and suffering on the planet. Over the last decade the societal impact of HIV/AIDS has been widely discussed in terms of national and international security. This article assesses the securitizing move and suggests that HIV/AIDS was only partially securitized at best and both the political consensus and strength of evidence were overestimated. It argues for greater nuance in our understanding of the link between HIV/AIDS and security, and the effects of its securitization, suggesting that neither is straightforward, and both are subject to case sensitivities.     

AIDS and global security

AIDS has been medically visible for 30 years; but only in the last five have the security implications of the pandemic begun to be discussed seriously. This debate has been in many ways unsatisfactory to date. The purpose of this article is to begin to rectify this at the moment when the first major efforts to combat the pandemic are beginning to take effect. It records therefore the history of that debate and ascertains in what useful and defensible senses AIDS can be described and managed as a security issue. It argues that there are, indeed, several that meet these criteria. The article describes the first three engagements with the disease from the time of its discovery and then suggests three newer ones and, it argues, more fruitful approaches that have advanced since 2000 of which the security dimension is one. The others are the geo-politics of the human immune system and analysis through the prism of political economy. The scope of the next waves of AIDS after the southern African one, is depicted. Its coming intersection with oil and Great Power politics is noted.     

The HIV/AIDS pandemic: human rights,societal, and developmental issues

Abstract

This paper quotes examples from the long list of past and contemporary national accords that have linked health to human rights. It describes the dimensions and urgency of the global threat posed by the current HIV/AIDS pandemic and its continuing global acceleration, and suggests that it is failure to address the associated societal, human rights, educational, poverty, and related issues that accounts for the failure to contain it. Stressing the essential nexus between these issues and the pandemic, it is pointed out that they are most pressing in those countries in which the pandemic is spreading most rapidly, that concurrent national or international strategies to deal with them would be essential prerequisites for the success of any HIV/AIDS control programme, and that success will call for wide international collaboration and response. Recent international action on HIV/AIDS is reviewed, including the Geneva (1998) and Durban (2000) meetings of international health planners and drug manufacturers, the Cologne (1999) and Okinawa (2000) meetings of leaders of the G8 countries, and the enactment by President Clinton (2000) of the Global AIDS and Tuberculosis Relief Act. In conclusion it is stated that in spite of the urgency of the need for such international action, there are still roles for special interest community groups and for governmental and non-governmental organisations. And, while it is recognised that educational campaigns by such groups are liable to run up against entrenched taboos or conflicting cultural norms, it is acknowledged that the significant drops in infection rates recently achieved in Senegal and Uganda are evidence that such campaigns, appropriately structured, vigorously administered, and promoting the appropriate societal transformations, can work. Finally, likely roles for youth led, peer directed educational initiatives are recognised.     

民族地区建党建政对马克思主义理论的丰富与发展

中国共产党在民族地区建党建政的理论与实践丰富和发展了马克思主义的理论宝库,主要体现在：坚持以马克思主义为指导,探寻符合民族地区实际的建党建政思路;高度重视建党与建政的紧密联系,以党的建设带动政权建设;创新民族地区政权模式,实行民族区域自治制度;培养选拔高素质民族干部,确保各族人民当家作主;确立民族工作的主题,致力于各民族实现科学发展;高举爱国主义旗帜,始终维护民族团结和国家统一。     

China's Response to Pandemics: From Inaction to Overreaction

Two U.S. specialists (on the governance and foreign policy aspects of China's public health issues as well as its human and medical geography) examine how two different sets of policies implemented by the government of China have affected both the geography and political ecology of pandemic disease outbreaks (HIV/AIDS, SARS, and H1N1) over the past two decades. More specifically, they argue that: (1) broad development and reform policies largely responsible for China's rapid modernization/urbanization and increasingly successful perfomance in the global economic arena have generated unexpected side-effects in terms of the location, incidence, and spread of pandemics as well as the state's capacity to mount an adequate health care response; and (2) politically motivated public health policies implemented in response to the spread of specific pandemics in China have had unanticipated impacts on the progression of disease outbreaks and their outcomes. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: H510, H750, I180. 3 figures, 2 tables, 76 references.     

Towards a jus in bello of Guerrilla Warfare

Abstract

Pentecostalism is the fastest growing form of Christianity in developing countries. Paralleling Pentecostalism's growth has been the HIV/AIDS pandemic. This paper examines how post-apartheid South Africans are responding to the conflicts born of the HIV/AIDS crisis. Fieldwork conducted in 2005 shows that Pentecostals who were not involved in efforts to address HIV/AIDS saw the church's mission as almost exclusively spiritual in nature. Pentecostals who were engaged in HIV/AIDS-related work were more likely to have an integrated worldview and to see the church's mission as relevant to the physical world. Beliefs about removing racism from the church and sin as structural as well as individual were also associated with this integrated worldview. These insights lay the foundation for constructing a Pentecostal social ethic for addressing HIV/AIDS.     

基于地方依恋原理的乌鲁木齐国际大巴扎人群研究——以维吾尔族大学生为例

通过对25名维吾尔族大学生的访谈,探讨了他们在大巴扎这个社会微环境中的活动、地方依恋的形成及这种微环境对大学生心理发展和社会化的意义。结果表明:大学生对大巴扎的依恋表现在功能性和情感性两个方面;通过在大巴扎从事的活动,大学生产生了归属感等积极情感,增加了对本民族的认同;大巴扎作为影响大学生的社会微环境,对大学生的作用是以地方依恋为中介的,并表现在有效地管理情绪、形成良好的自我认同和更好地适应环境上。本研究的启示是,地方依恋应该作为城市设计中所要考虑的因素之一,民族地区的城市建设应该保留其民族特性。     

By the time you read this one million children infected with HIV will be living in the shadows

Every day, 1000 children become infected with HIV. UNAIDS therefore estimates that by the end of 1997, 1 million children under age 15 years will be living with HIV and experiencing the physical and psychological consequences of infection. Since the beginning of the pandemic, more than 2 million HIV-positive children have been born to HIV-positive mothers, and hundreds of thousands of children have acquired HIV from blood transfusions and through sex or drug use. More than 9 million children are estimated to have had a mother who died due to AIDS. Although AIDS is the most recognized disease in the world, insufficient attention has been given to the impact it is having upon children. Unless the spread of HIV is quickly checked, gains achieved in reducing infant and child death rates will be reversed in many countries. An UNAIDS report estimates that by 2010, AIDS may increase infant mortality by as much as 75% and under-5 child mortality by more than 100% in the worst affected countries in the world. It is clear that AIDS will soon be a major cause of death among children. Since about 90% of children under age 15 years acquire HIV from their mothers, either before or during birth or through breast feeding, reducing the vulnerability of infants to HIV infection means enabling women to prevent themselves from contracting HIV and to procure antiviral drugs which can reduce the risk of mother-to-child HIV transmission.     

An international public health crisis: can global institutions respond effectively to HIV/AIDS?

The United Nations Millennium Project (2005 UN Millennium Project , 2005 . Combating AIDS in the developing world ( London : Taskforce on HIV/AIDS, Malaria, TB, and Access to Essential Medicines: Working Group on HIV/AIDS, Earthscan ). [Google Scholar]) describes the HIV/AIDS epidemic as a ‘global catastrophe, threatening social and economic stability in the most affected areas, while spreading relentlessly into new regions’. Multilateral institutions under the leadership of the Joint United Nations Program on HIV/AIDS and World Health Organization have been charged with coordinating the worldwide response. Yet with attention and funding diverted between bilateral, regional and multilateral aid providers, and little discernible success in containing the global epidemic to date, it remains an open question whether traditional global institutions are able to effectively combat HIV/AIDS. It is argued that bilateral relationships are still heavily relied upon at present as traditional multilateral arrangements struggle for resources and political attention. The critical questions discussed here are whether global institutions should, can and will respond effectively to the HIV/AIDS crisis. This analysis finds that the most readily organised and deployed global response will likely involve an alliance of public and private agencies that can escape some of the domestic, political and organisational constraints inherent in existing HIV/AIDS funding arrangements. Ultimately, newer hybrid arrangements that have emerged recently, like the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, may offer a more enduring global regime to control the HIV/AIDS epidemic. The corollary is that UN agencies alone in their traditional form, hampered by multilateral practicalities, will be less effective.     

Cultural nationalism and everyday resistance in an illiberal nationalising state: ethnic minority nationalism in Russia

Ethnic minority nationalism has always been one of the most important subfields of nationalism studies, yet it lacks the consideration in illiberal settings. Limitations of civil liberties and restrictive legislation have undoubtedly affected the existence and the ways to express minority nationalism when it is considered a threat to authoritarian government, which is the case of the contemporary Russian Federation. The paper provides a methodological framework that helps to investigate ethnic minority nationalism when its direct articulation is restricted. It argues that the combination of a cultural nationalism approach and complexity theory can be a fruitful way to explore minority nationalism in an illiberal nationalising state using the case of Russian ethnic minorities. It also argues that the complex context of authoritarianism and market economy creates tipping points towards the growing importance of ethnic minority identification as a basis for social solidarity.     

Women With AIDS: Will It Change aids Service Organizations?

In the early 1980s, gay men formed AIDS service organizations (ASOs) in areas hardest hit by the disease, such as San Francisco and New York City, to provide assistance to infected members of their own communities. The Ryan White CARE Act of 1990 made funds available for community-based groups, such as ASOs, to provide support services to all people with HIV/AIDS. The epidemiology of AIDS has changed greatly in recent years, and increasing numbers of poor, minority women with children now contract HIV/AIDS. To determine if ASOs are in compliance with the CARE Act, this study surveyed 20 ASOs across the country and a number of their female clients to see if ASOs, some of which were started by gay men, have tailored their services for a growing minority, heterosexual population. The results indicate that a number of ASOs have been slow in responding to the diverse needs of women. Recommendations are offered to make the organizations more responsive.     

The politics of civil society in confronting HIV/AIDS

Civil society organizations have been at the forefront of the response to the HIV/AIDS epidemic. However, the contributions and the models of action they offer have remained marginalized by most governments and international organizations. This article looks at the initiatives of civil society actors. It discusses some of the political reasons and rationale behind the less than enthusiastic support for these initiatives from governments and large aid agencies. Two reasons are suggested: many politicians fear providing support and credibility to civil society organizations that might then build upon their success to question and challenge development failures; and the threat perceived by national and international bureaucrats to their own assumed expertise and solutions to the pandemic. In some cases, civil society organizations have been co-opted to fill gaps that governments themselves can not or will not address. However, even here, governments assume the credit for 'successes' in controlling HIV/AIDS.     

The model of ethnic democracy: Israel as a Jewish and democratic state

The liberal democratic nation–state is on the decline in the West as a result of globalisation, regionalisation, universalisation of minority rights, multiculturalism and the rise of ethno–nationalism. While Western countries are decoupling the nation–state and shifting toward multicultural civic democracy, other countries are consolidating an alternative non–civic form of a democratic state that is identified with and subservient to a single ethnic nation. This model, ‘ethnic democracy’, is presented; its defining features, the circumstances leading to it and the conditions for its stability are elaborated upon; and it is applied to Israel. Contrary to its self–image and international reputation as a Western liberal democracy, Israel is an ethnic democracy in which the Jews appropriate the state and make it a tool for advancing their national security, demography, public space, culture and interests. At the same time, Israel is a democracy that extends various kinds of rights to 1 million Palestinian Arab citizens (16 per cent of the population) who are perceived as a threat. The criticisms against the general model and its applicability to Israel are discussed. The model has already been applied to other countries, but more applications are needed in order to develop it further.     

乌江流域土司时期文化环境审视

乌江流域土司时期的文化环境是该地社会进步、经济发展和民族团结的现实空间,地域特征极其鲜明。一是有深厚的人文积淀,二是强化的汉文化教育,三是开放的文化心态,四是丰富的物质资源,五是鲜明的民族风情,六是剧烈的社会动荡。笔者认为,理清乌江流域土司时期的文化环境,对挖掘该地深厚的土司文化资源,促进现今民族地区的经济发展、社会进步和民族团结具有十分重要的意义。     

Securing disunion: Young people's nationalism,identities and (in)securities in the campaign for an independent Scotland

This paper explores ethnic and religious minority youth perspectives of security and nationalism in Scotland during the independence campaign in 2014. We discuss how young people co-construct narratives of Scottish nationalism alongside minority ethnic and faith identities in order to feel secure. By critically combining literature from feminist geopolitics, international relations (IR) and children's emotional geographies, we employ the concept of ‘ontological security’. The paper departs from state-centric approaches to security to explore the relational entanglements between geopolitical discourses and the ontological security of young people living through a moment of political change. We examine how everyday encounters with difference can reflect broader geopolitical narratives of security and insecurity, which subsequently trouble notions of ‘multicultural nationalism’ in Scotland and demonstrate ways that youth ‘securitize the self’ (Kinnvall, 2004). The paper responds to calls for empirical analyses of youth perspectives on nationalism and security (Benwell, 2016) and on the nexus between security and emotional subjectivity in critical geopolitics (Pain, 2009, Shaw et al., 2014). Funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC), this paper draws on focus group and interview data from 382 ethnic and religious minority young people in Scotland collected over the 12-month period of the campaign.     

Wealth alone does not buy health: Political capacity,democracy, and the spread of AIDS

Although there have been have numerous studies on AIDS documenting its mortality, its epidemiological features, and its relationship to poverty and development, few studies have systematically analyzed how political factors and policies may help curtail the spread of AIDS. In this paper I consider how a variety of domestic factors influence HIV infection rates across countries. I argue that states with higher state capacity are better able to reduce the spread of the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Moreover, I argue that while strong autocracies can implement efficient policies with fewer constraints, democracies tend to be more responsive to the needs of the population and can be more efficient in curtailing the spread of HIV/AIDS. I empirically evaluate the hypotheses using a cross-sectional time-series sample of 117 countries. The empirical results indicate that greater state capacity indeed appears to help curtail HIV/AIDS infection rates.     

The Ryan White Act in Dallas

Virtually every locality affected by the AIDS epidemic has had to confront changes in the demographics of the disease, shifts in federal priorities, and medical advances in AIDS treatment. Creating a consistent federal policy has proven difficult because the epidemic manifests itself differently in virtually every locality it invades. As a result, some local caseloads increasingly are dominated by intravenous drug users and others by gay men. In recognition of this reality, the primary federal program to fund AIDS services relies on local decisionmakers to make allocation decisions for serving the needs of their caseload. Under the Ryan White Comprehensive AIDS Resources Emergency (CARE) Act of 1990, local Health Services Planning Councils were assigned the task of creating an effective continuum of care for persons with HIV I AIDS and were empowered with the task of allocating federal funds to accomplish that objective. In some cases creating and fostering an effective continuum of care proved to be an essentially noncontroversial managerial task, while in other localities political turmoil and rampant self-interest served as barriers to program effectiveness. This article explores the relationship between local political culture and the development of AIDS programs in Dallas County, Texas. Specifically, we compare the provision of AIDS services in Dallas before passage of the Ryan White Act in 1990, how these services were affected by the Ryan White program, and the experiences since the reauthorization of the Ryan White Act in 1996.     

新疆墨玉县农村劳动力转移调查及动力机制研究

近年来,南疆少数民族农村劳动力转移的规模不断扩大,外出务工收入成为当地农民收入的主要来源之一。本文在分析墨玉县农村劳动力转移现状的基础上根据2007年的抽样调查数据和2002年以来墨玉县经济社会发展的相关数据,采用多层次多因素灰色关联分析和Logistic回归分析,从宏观和微观两个层面上探讨劳动力转移的动力机制。宏观层面上,农村基本经济指标与劳动力转移的关系密切;微观层面影响农村劳动力转移的驱动力按强弱依次为家庭人口数、是否为低收入户、在读学生数、户均可耕地面积等。最后得出结论,新疆少数民族农村劳动力转移的主要驱动力来自农村内部,来自城镇的拉力作用不明显,而受自然条件、经济发展水平和民族观念等因素的影响,劳动力转移的摩擦力较大。     

The Macedonian–Albanian political frontier: the re‐articulation of post‐Yugoslav political identities

Abstract. The article examines the re‐articulation of national identity in Macedonia since its independence in 1992. Both ethnic Macedonian and ethnic Albanian political identities have been engaged in a complex process of redefinition. Two ethnic groups had previously been strongly influenced by the Marxist paradigm and its Yugoslav official interpretation. During the 1990s, the elements of the old paradigm were combined with elements of the new – liberal democratic – concepts of nationhood. While some of the concepts developed within the old Yugoslav framework are still in use, the new liberal‐democratic political paradigm finds it difficult to include them into an official discourse on nationhood. At the same time, introduction of the concepts inherent to the liberal‐democratic paradigm has disturbed the fragile balance achieved through the old Yugoslav narrative. In new circumstances, the ethnic Macedonians transformed themselves from the ‘constitutive nation’ to ‘majority’. However, the ethnic Albanians found it more difficult to accept the status of ‘minority’, which was once (in Yugoslav Marxist narrative) considered to be politically incorrect. Thus, they insist on being recognised as a ‘nation’, equal to ethnic Macedonians. In its essence, the conflict in Macedonia is – to a large extent – a conflict between two different concepts of what is Macedonia and who are Macedonians. The questions posed are: is the minority (ethnic Albanians) part of the nation? Could two nations exist peacefully within one state? The article maps out differences between two different discourses on the identity of the new Macedonian state.