Geographical Scale, the 'Feel-Good Factor' and Voting at the 1997 General Election in England and Wales

Many analysts associate voting patterns in Great Britain with electors' evaluations of the state of the economy, whereby those who think it has improved recently are likely to vote for the government's return to power, whereas those who think it has worsened are more likely to vote for an opposition party. Most of these studies consider the national economy only, but data derived from the 1997 British Election Study cross–sectional survey show strong relationships between votes and evaluations of recent changes in the electors' (self-defined) home areas. This paper relates those evaluations, and the resultant voting patterns, to the 'objective circumstances' in the respondents' home areas, using unemployment rates as an indicator of local economic well-being. Using specially devised data for 'bespoke neighbourhoods' around each respondent's home, we show that the probability of a vote against the government was a function of both 'objective conditions' and 'subjective evaluations', and that there were significant scale effects in this: people apparently reacted to very local variations when making their voting decisions.     

The persistence of white ethnicity in New England politics

There was a consensus among earlier students of New England politics that the political influence of European ancestry was fading by the latter half of the 20th century. We examine this proposition in recent times by exploring the role of ethnic ancestry in explaining the political divide in the region's presidential voting in over 1500 New England towns. Contrary to earlier predictions, ethnic origin does retain some explanatory power in models of recent voting behavior, and ethnic cleavages have not been entirely replaced by economic divisions in the electorate. Although the settlement patterns of the more established and numerous nationality groups (i.e. Irish and Italians) are less associated with partisanship than they were 50 years ago, the political salience of white ethnicity persists, suggesting that ethnic groups do not simply dealign or politically “assimilate” over time. Some groups maintain a strong identity in spite of upward mobility because movement from city to suburbs is selected not just on housing, income or school characteristics, as is usually the case, but on ethnicity too. Towns with significant concentrations of specific European ancestry groups lean Republican, even after we have accounted for the presence of other sources of political leaning and past voting tendencies, while Democratic attachments are undeniably strong in towns where the newer immigrant groups have settled. The “new ethnicity” (i.e. racial minorities) and the “old ethnicity” (i.e. white ethnics) clearly carry distinct political implications for this region's presidential politics.     

约曼与英国资本主义启动

农业是英国资本主义的基础,约曼又是农业资本主义的发动者、农村社会的“脊梁”。在英国农业资本主义发生的时候,约曼是先行者。“约曼”经历了由一个带有荣誉感的职业名词向具有经济与社会含义的名词的转变;约曼阶层经历了由采邑制度下的农民向资本主义农场主的演进。约曼是社会转型时期英国农村的精英群体,对经济、政治、教育文化、日常生活等方面都产生了重大而深远的影响,为英国率先成为第一个工业化国家提供了最初的、最基本的经济力量和政治力量,是英国资本主义的启动者。     

On the earliest contacts between Dubrovnik and England

According to tradition, King Richard I of England visited Dubrovnik (Ragusa) in 1192. Much of the evidence for this visit comes from a dispute at the end of the sixteenth century concerning the rights of the abbot of Lokrum. Medieval evidence can also be taken into contribution, notably the comments of the English chronicles of the early thirteenth century and the surviving documentation for the career of a Ragusan archbishop who later became bishop of Carlisle. The author concludes that King Richard's visit was a reality.     

英格兰教育旅行传统探析

英格兰人为精神、文化方面的需求而前往欧洲大陆游历的做法由来已久,可以追溯到中世纪之初、甚至更为遥远的时代。在中世纪,英格兰人除了因外交、军事和商业等原因而旅行外,还以朝圣者、骑士和学者等身份前往欧陆。近代之初,知识结构的变化、人文主义的影响、绅士教育重点的转变及国际外交实践的影响,催生了新型的教育旅行。到17世纪中叶,因英格兰社会上层的政治经济需求、绅士阶层提高自身素养的需要以及部分英格兰人对自身生活习性的反思,新的教育旅行（“大旅行”）开始得到认可和接受,逐渐成为一种广受欢迎的社会传统和习俗。     

艾德礼政府和1951年英国大选

1951年艾德礼领导的英国工党政府在大选中失利。当时工党政府处于极其不利的经济困顿时期,且在内外政策上有诸多失误不当之处．而保守党则趁此时机进行改革和政策调整。此外．工党失去执政党地位也与时机不好．运气欠佳有关。     

英国近代贵族大地产论略

近代英国经济的特征之一是贵族大地产的兴盛。从17世纪晚期至19世纪中期,为数不多的贵族始终占有相当份额的地产。甚至就整个欧洲而言,英国贵族大地产的规模和影响也格外突出。英国贵族地产大多是采用资本主义方式经营的,它在一定时期内适应着英国的生产力发展。英国近代贵族阶级长期占有大量地产,既有历史原因,也有社会政治因素;属于封建主义残余的贵族财产等级制和长子继承制,对维护贵族阶级大地产制也起着重要作用。     

近代早期英国海外贸易的兴起

近代早期英国海外贸易由弱到强不断得到发展。从最初伦敦与安特卫普之间的呢绒贸易,到17世纪中后期大西洋商业体系的初步形成,英国海外贸易经历了三个不同的历史阶段,并最终建立了殖民地贸易模式。这为英国实现海上强国的梦想,并成功地走向近代社会,意义重大,影响深远。     

Pilgrimage and tourism: Cathedral visiting in contemporary England

Abstract

This paper examines the role of cathedral visiting in contemporary England. It highlights the importance of cathedrals to the tourism economy and also considers the issue of the commercialisation of heritage within cathedrals and the difficulties posed for cathedral authorities in contrasting perceptions of visitors as tourists and pilgrims. The issue of pilgrimage is examined through the results of a survey of the experiences and attitudes of eight hundred visitors to four English cathedrals. It is suggested that the tension between tourism and pilgrimage is not as great as might be expected and that experience of visiting a cathedral can engender a sense of pilgrimage in the tourist     

福蒂斯丘与英法封建君主制比较

福蒂斯丘爵士是15世纪英国的法学家和政治理论家,他最早研究了中世纪末英国的君主制类型及其与其他君主制的区别。他的特殊经历使其首次提出英国实行的是"政治且王室的统治",以区别于法国的"王室的统治"。上述两种类型的封建君主制在形成过程和统治方式上大相径庭,统治结果也截然分明,两者的优劣判若两途。福蒂斯丘有关"政治且王室的统治"的理论不仅揭示了中世纪末英国封建君主制的类型,对宪政理论的发展也具有奠基意义。     

福蒂斯丘与英法封建君主制比较

福蒂斯丘爵士是15世纪英国的法学家和政治理论家,他最早研究了中世纪末英国的君主制类型及其与其他君主制的区别。他的特殊经历使其首次提出英国实行的是"政治且王室的统治",以区别于法国的"王室的统治"。上述两种类型的封建君主制在形成过程和统治方式上大相径庭,统治结果也截然分明,两者的优劣判若两途。福蒂斯丘有关"政治且王室的统治"的理论不仅揭示了中世纪末英国封建君主制的类型,对宪政理论的发展也具有奠基意义。     

Hosting the king: hospitality and the royal iter in tenth-century England

Traditional studies of royal itinerancy have depended on locating the king’s progress through his kingdom(s) as precisely as possible and it should therefore not surprise that the iter regis in pre-conquest England has received relatively little attention, since Anglo-Saxon diplomas only rarely record their date and place of issue, making the establishment of the royal itinerary all but impossible. However, more recent studies, particularly by German scholars, have moved away from the earlier attention to the concrete details of the royal iter and focus more on the effects of itinerancy as a method of rulership, viewing itinerancy as a central part of royal ritual. This study argues that if we investigate itinerancy in tenth-century England from this standpoint, we can throw new light onto the subject. Contemporary sources reveal that in England as in France and Germany the iter regis was of great importance, with symbolic acts of feasting and gift-giving accompanying royal visits. The attention given to these ritualised acts in contemporary sources suggests, moreover, that Anglo-Saxon kingship possessed an important ‘charismatic’ quality, which deserves further investigation.     

论中世纪英格兰庄园的运输役

中世纪英格兰运输役起源于庄园领主的物资供应需求,随着12、13世纪市场的激增以及运输条件的改善,市场型运输役逐渐普及。运输役一般由农民上层承担,其运输距离、目的地、运输种类等都受习俗制约。运输役衰落的原因主要有直营领地的衰落、运输的专职化以及私下交易的流行。运输役的兴衰与中世纪英格兰市场培育密切相关,是市场已有一定发育但还不太成熟的产物。     

近代早期英国货币理论大转变研究北大核心CSSCI

近代早期英国的货币理论经历了一次重大转变,即从对货币短缺的焦虑转向对货币过量的担忧,这一理论重心的转变在货币史上具有重大意义,标志着货币理论在思想内涵上更为全面,在货币分析方法上逐渐走向成熟。探究这一转变背后的原因和货币思想的演进轨迹,就会发现随着近代早期市场经济的深入发展和资本主义的兴起,货币在英国经济中的作用日益凸显,但当时金属货币供应量远远无法满足对货币的需求量,金融革命后信用货币的发展才在一定程度上缓解了货币短缺的状况。与此同时,当时的经济思想家对货币及其作用的认识也经历了一个过程,从早期的粗浅直观向科学理性分析转变,经济思想家的分析框架和哲学基础也从新亚里士多德思想框架转向现代科学,从而为货币理论的成熟和现代经济学的形成提供了条件。     

Reconciling mendicant and secular confessors in late medieval England

This essay questions the argument, advanced by some historians to explain anti-fraternalism in fourteenth-century England, that friars appeared as lax and even socially disruptive confessors because they placed less emphasis than secular parish priests on confession and penance as a means of social discipline and resolution of interpersonal conflict, emphasising instead the individual, psychological aspects of sin. To test this hypothesis, this study examines instructions for interrogating penitents about the sins of wrath/anger and the requirements for the reconciliation of enemies. It compares the Latin manuals of the Dominican, John of Freiburg, and the anonymous, Franciscan Fasciculus morum on the one hand with the Latin manual by the secular clerk William of Pagula and the Middle English manuals for secular clergy by John Gaytrick and John Mirk on the other. The findings challenge the supposed dichotomy between secular and mendicant approaches to penance. Manuals for both types of confessor addressed conflict and enmity and encouraged introspection that connected anti-social behaviour and discord with an individual's psychology and spiritual wellbeing. Nor can it be assumed that such introspection was imposed on the laity, which was accustomed to struggling with feelings of anger or hatred when attempting to make peace.     

试论英国崛起中的尼德兰因素

英国的崛起存在外来因素特别是尼德兰因素的参与和推动。从11世纪到18世纪,尼德兰人移居英国经历了四次高潮,这种移民既有尼德兰人逃离内乱或寻求生存和发展新环境的动机,也有英国方面的主观因素,即政府和民众的欢迎态度。对英国崛起有决定意义的重大经济现象,如呢绒工业的发展,乡村毛纺业的兴起,棉纺业的起步,农业革命的进行,工业革命的资金准备,都与尼德兰移民和资本的到来有密切关系。     

工业化前中英乡村借贷比较研究

工业化前中国与英国乡村经济中普遍存在着经常性的借贷活动 ,乡村借贷成为农村经济中不可或缺的要素。然而 ,它们历史背景、表现方式、发展状况、功能流向多有不同 ,2 0世纪上半叶中国农村为生存而借贷的传统高利贷市场 ,与工业革命前英国乡村为投资生产而借贷的现代信贷市场形成了鲜明对照。这从一个侧面反映了工业化前中英乡村社会转型的实况     

中古晚期农业对英国产业分化的作用

从近代产业结构形成与发展的角度来看,英国从中古向近代的转变过程中农业发挥了基础性作用。农业和农村的经济社会变革成功地促进了英国中古晚期的产业分化,并在一定意义上为其提供了产权保障和分化条件,从而为英国走向近代化奠定了基础。     

The 1892 General Election and the Eclipse of the Liberal Unionists

This article seeks to establish that the 1892 general election marked a major change in the relative positions of the parties in the Unionist alliance. Not only did it reveal the limitations of the Liberal Unionist Party's strategy and appeal in an age of increasingly organised, mass politics, but it also acted as a brake on the ambitions of the new leader of the Liberal Unionists in the house of commons, Joseph Chamberlain. It argues that the Liberal Unionist Party suffered a more severe setback in 1892 than has been recognized hitherto and that Chamberlain's attempts to revive his party both before and after the general election were now prescribed by the reality of the political position in which the party now found itself. Rather than regarding the fluid political circumstances of the 1890s as the outcome of an emerging struggle between increasingly polarised ideologies, it seeks to reinforce the significance of local political circumstances and the efficacy of party management in the growing dominance of Lord Salisbury and Arthur Balfour and the Conservative central organisers.     

土地产权的变革与英国农业革命

英国农业革命是英国由传统的农业社会迈向工业文明的桥梁,它以土地产权的变革为基础,经历了大约三百年的时间,使农业劳动生产率得以大幅度提高,在其世界工场地位确立的同时,农业也达到了前所未有的辉煌程度。